ARTICLE 6
Suppression of the Exploitation of Women
State Parties shall take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to
suppress all forms of traffic in women and exploitation of prostitution of
women.
1. General
There are no official numbers regarding the extent of prostitution and the
traffic of women in Israel, but there is a general consensus that it is
becoming more prevalent. A reporter who has done work in this area estimates
that over 10,00 women in Tel Aviv alone engage in prostitution.
2. The Legal Framework
In addition to Israel's ratification of CEDAW in 1991, Israel has also
ratified the 1949 Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and
the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others, and the 1989 Convention on the
Rights of the Child. In principle, the current Israeli legal framework for
dealing with prostitution is based upon the abolitionist approach, as is the
Convention's approach. However, the current legal arrangement and its method
of enforcement suffer from inconsistencies and lack of protocol for dealing
with the reality of prostitution. Prostitution in itself is not, and has
never been, a crime under Israeli law, and the woman who engages in
prostitution is not considered a criminal. Instead, the legal system engages
in selective prohibition, by criminalizing exploitive conducts that surround
prostitution, so that both the exploitive and practical aspects of
prostitution are criminalized. Thus, engaging in prostitution as a client or
sponsor is a criminal act, while prostitution itself is not.
"Procurement," defined as living off the profits or taking all or some profits
from a woman who engages in prostitution, and solicitation of a woman to
engage in prostitution, are crimes according to sections 199-201 of the Penal
Law-1977, punishable by 5 years in prison, and up to 7 years under aggravating
circumstances. Such aggravated circumstances include the following: when the
woman is a minor under 18 years old; when the woman is the perpetrator's
daughter, wife, or when he is her custodian, teacher, or otherwise in charge
of her; when the perpetrator accused of soliciting was armed during the act.
Case law, however, had interpreted solicitation to mean proven engagement in
prostitution, thus making it much more difficult to prosecute for
solicitation. Under section 202 of the Penal Law, soliciting a woman to leave
her home with the intention of engaging her in prostitution is punishable by 5
years imprisonment, and if the woman is a minor - by up to seven years.
Soliciting a woman to leave the country for the same purpose is also
punishable by seven years. Section 207 imposes mandatory imprisonment on
perpetrators convicted under sections 199-202, with no possibility of a
suspended sentence. This is a highly unusual provision in the context of the
Israeli criminal law and indicates the gravity which the legislator had
attributed to these crimes.
Thus, these laws present potentially broad means to intervene for the purpose
of lessening the exploitation, degradation and dangers facing women who engage
in prostitution. However, these sections are rarely enforced. Instead, the
prostitutes themselves are often arrested, not for engaging in prostitution -
since that is not a criminal offense, but for related practices such as the
enticement of others to engage in indecent acts in public places, a felony
punishable by three months in prison, according to section 209(a). Usually
prostitutes are released after several hours, but sometimes they are charged
under section 209(a), which was never intended to serve as a regulation of
prostitution, or under section 216(a)(5) which prohibits "strolling." Another
criminal offense directly applicable to women who engage in prostitution, is
section 215(c) which states that being in a place for the purpose of engaging
in prostitution, in circumstances which pose disturbance to neighbors or
obstruction of traffic is punishable by up to one year in prison. Other
crimes which may also be applicable to women prostitutes are sections 204-205
of the Penal Law, according to which the maintenance and management of a place
for purposes of prostitution, including a motor vehicle or a vessel, are also
criminal crimes, punishable by up to 5 years in prison. Similarly, lending a
place for the purpose of prostitution is punishable by up to 6 months in
prison. It should be noted that case law has interpreted these provisions to
include situations in which women engage in prostitution in their homes, not
just in brothels, or "massage institutes." These laws, again, are rarely
enforced against women, as illustrated by the data supplied by the police in
the following table.
Table 1 - Convictions in Prostitution Related Crimes
1994 1995
Offence Men Women Total Men Women Total
Procurement
number 30 18 48 42 11 53
percent 62.5 37.5 100 79.2 20.7 100
Solicitation to Engage in Prostitution
number 3 1 4 15 2 17
percent 75 25 100 88.2 11.7 100
Solicitation to Prostitute
number 8 3 11 12 5 17
percent 72.7 27.2 100 70.5 29.4 100
Keeping a House of Prostitution
number 49 147 196 106 232 338
percent 25 75 100 31.3 68.6 100
Solicitation of Minors
number 42 42 44 2 46
percent 100 100 95.6 4.3 100
Source: Israel Police
Notwithstanding the relatively large number of convictions, the overall level
of enforcement remains rather low. In internal instructions issued by the
State Attorney in January 1994, the police are instructed to commence
investigations under each of the following circumstances: when minors are
involved in prostitution; when those who engage in prostitution have been
manipulated into it; when there is severe abuse of women who engage in
prostitution by their procurer, including blackmail and violence; when
additional criminal activity such as drug-abuse is taking place. When one of
these circumstances occurs in relation to the prostitution-related offences
described above, the State-Attorney Office shall consider pressing charges.
As to the specific legislation aimed at the prevention of traffic in women,
the only specific expression is in section 202(2) mentioned above, regarding
the solicitation of a woman to leave "the country," i.e. Israel, in order to
engage in prostitution in another country. There is no parallel provision
related to bringing women from another country into Israel for that purpose.
The legal framework theoretically offers means to criminally charge the
clientele of the sex-industry under at least one section, namely section 210
of the Penal Law-1977, which states that approaching a minor under 16 or an
adult woman with indecent insinuations is punishable by up to three months in
prison. This section however, has never been enforced against clients of
prostitutes.
3. Evaluation of the Actual Situation
In the last few years, the problem of prostitution has grown in Israel,
particularly among foreign women. It is difficult to obtain official
statements regarding the exact extent of the phenomenon, but most of this
traffic in women comes from the former USSR; some of these women enter Israel
as tourists, though many of them are given false identities which facilitates
their immigration to Israel. According to authorities at the Neve Tirza
women's prison, there has been a steady increase in the numbers of foreign
women involved in sex-work who are arrested for illegal stay in Israel and who
are detained before being deported to their home-countries; in over 95% of the
cases, these home countries were in the former USSR.
The average time these women spend in prison is 50 days, but detention may
vary depending on the time needed to verify their identities and prepare the
necessary documentation for their deportation. The women themselves are
supposed to pay for their expenses, but when their resources are inadequate,
the Ministry of Interior finances their deportation from a special budget.
On the governmental level, a special Service for Girls in Distress in the
Ministry of Labor and Social-Services is in charge of prevention and
rehabilitation programs for girls in these situations, as will be detailed
below.
On the non-governmental level, there is only one organization which deals
exclusively with the problem of prostitution, namely Shani - Israeli
Abolitionist Center Against Contemporary Slavery, which is the Israeli branch
established in 1995 of the International Abolitionist Federation. Several of
the more general women's organizations in Israel have also recently become
involved in this area.
NGOs who work in this area observe that there is no organized "sex tourism"
into Israel, although it is not uncommon for some hotels to supply their
guests with information about "sex services." Outgoing "sex tourism" prompted
various NGOs to advance legislation to prohibit Israeli citizens from engaging
in commercial sexual-relations with minors outside the state of Israel.
4. Involvement of Minors in Prostitution
The issue of minors' involvement in prostitution is dealt with under the
general provisions of ther Penal Law-1977, in the sections constituting
aggravated circumstances, as described above. In addition, there is a special
prohibition, punishable by three years in prison, against permitting a minor
(defined as a person between 2-17 years old) who is under one's supervision to
live in or frequent a place of prostitution. Similarly, permitting a minor
under 18 who is under one's supervision to engage in enticement under section
209(a), is also punishable by three years in prison. As part of the growing
awareness of this problem, there are several related bills in progress, aimed
at preventing minors from involvement in prostitution.
There are few NGO's who are devoted to work in the area of child-prostitution,
of these the most prominent are Elem, which deals solely with minors, and
Shani - mentioned above. Recently, as a result of the rising awareness of
this problem on the international level as well as in Israel, other NGOs who
deal with children's rights have joined in efforts to combat
child-prostitution.
The head of the Elem organization testified in the Knesset Education Committee
about the methods that are used to identify vulnerable girls in nightclubs and
force them into prostitution. Once again, no statistical data has been
obtained to indicate the extent of this phenomenon. According to Elem, there
are not enough social services which target this vulnerable population,
particularly school dropouts, which could help prevent them from being drawn
into prostitution.
Another major problem, according to those NGOs who deal with minors, is the
growing market for child-pornography, which although not produced in Israel,
is imported and sold freely in response to ever growing demand. The use of
child pornography is explicitly dealt with under the section 214 of the Penal
Code, which prohibits the publication and presentation of obscene materials.
One significant aspect of the spread of prostitution is the profusion of sex
service advertisements in daily newspapers. The expansion of this phenomenon
led to a private bill, proposed in 1995, which would restrict these
advertisements. Fearing restrictions on freedom of commercial expression,
media and public representatives established an ad-hoc public committee which
offered guidelines to publishers regarding these concerns. These guidelines
were accepted by all the parties, including representatives of the written
media. The significant consequences of this initiative were: 1) The cessation
of advertisements which specifically mentioned or alluded to the age (under
18) of the women whose sex-services were being advertised. 2) The moderation
of the overall tone of these ads and the pictures which accompany them.
5. Social Attitudes Towards Prostitutes
The overall attitude of courts toward prostitution can be characteized as
negative; it is described as immoral and corrupt. The judicial attitude
toward women who engage in prostitution is more complex, and varies according
to the specific circumstances of each case. In some cases, sympathetic
expressions toward these women can be found, in recognition of the harsh
circumstances they face and the need to protect them from abuse and
exploitation through appropriate legislation (State v. Prosper). More often,
however, prostitutes are portrayed as untrustworthy witnesses and as deficient
mothers.
5.1 The Connection between Prostitution and Women's Criminality (Mainly
Drugs)
There is a significant correlation between prostitution and drug abuse.
According to the Neve Tirza prison's officials' evaluation, of the 200
prisoners currently in Neve-Tirza, 70% are drug-addicts (mainly to heroine,
which is the most common drug in Israel) and 10% are in a process of getting
treated. Of the 80% with drug addictions, over 60% were involved in
prostitution in order to finance their addiction.
6. Rehabilitation Programs for Women and Girls in Distress
When examining rehabilitation programs for women who engage in prostitution an
important distinction should be made between those who are drug-addicts and
those who are not. As mentioned above, some 80% of the women prisoners are
drug addicts, and as the table below shows, there is a rise in the number of
women drug abusers and other drug-related crimes.
Table 2 - Convictions in Drug-Abuse Offences
1994 1995
Offence Men Women Total Men Women Total
Use of Dangerous Substances
number 3595 516 4111 5112 668 5780
percent 87.4 12.5 100 88.4 11.5 100
Trade in, Importing, or Exporting Drugs
number 1675 157 1832 1600 144 1744
percent 91.4 8.5 100 91.7 8.2 100
Cultivating, Making, and Distribution of Drugs
number 128 30 158 191 26 217
percent 81 18.9 100 88 1.9 100
Posession of Drugs Not for Personal Use
number 2395 353 2748 2782 344 3126
percent 87.1 12.8 100 88.9 11 100
Source: Israel Police
A major rehabilitation organization for girls is the Service for Girls in
Distress under the Ministry of Labour and Welfare, which treats adolescent
girls age 13-22 in the Jewish population and up to age 25 in the Arab
population. Of those treated at any given time, 20% are generally Arabs and
20% of are generally recent immigrants. They suffer from problems ranging
from drug addiction to indiscriminatory sexual relations, and unwanted
pregnancies, etc., which in many cases result from physical or sexual abuse in
their families. The Service works to rehabilitate these girls and
re-integrate them into society through therapy, vocational training, and IDF
preparation classes which enables the Jewish girls to be conscripted into the
army. The Service also operates halfway houses for girls age 17-18 who are
capable of functioning independently. The length of stay in these halfway
houses is generally one and a half years, and there are currently 6 such
halfway houses, one of which is solely for Arab girls. In addition, there are
two country-wide shelters, one for Jewish girls and one for Arab girls, which
provide emergency protection and treatment of up to one month. Overall, the
Service treated 5500 girls in 1993, 7744 girls in 1994, 9000 girls in 1995,
and about 10,000 girls in 1996.
ARTICLE 7
Political and Public Life
States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination
against women in the political and public life of the country, and, in
particular, shall ensure to women, on equal terms with men, the right:
a)To vote in all elections and public referenda and to be eligible for
election to all publicly elected bodies;
b) To participate in the formulation of government policy and the
implementation thereof and to hold public office and perform all public
functions at all levels of government;
c) To participate in non-government organizations and associations concerned
with the public and political life of the country.
1. The Right to Vote and Be Elected
There is full equality between men and women regarding the right to vote and
to be elected in Israel. Section 5 of the Basic Law: The Knesset specifically
states that every Israeli citizen aged 18 or older shall be entitled to vote,
and section 6 of the same law states that every Israeli citizen aged 21 or
older is entitled to run for election.
1.1. Voting Patterns
Israeli elections consistently draw turnouts which are among the highest in
the democratic world (on the average 85% of those eligible to vote). There is
no noticeable difference between men and women regarding the participation in
the act of voting. The percentage of men and women voters remains
approximately the same (85%). Women in the Arab-Israeli community show a
higher rate of voting (89.1%) than the men (80.5%).
As to the question of the relevance of gender in casting a ballot, in a
national survey conducted recently, an overwhelming majority of both men and
women (81% and 79%, respectively) replied that the issue did not have any
impact whatsoever on their voting behavior.
2. Women as Members of Political Parties
Women operate within political parties under two categories: in specific
women's sections and as individual members. They are considered to have a dual
role: to recruit support for the party among women constituencies, and to
promote women's representation in the party. The significance of women members
in Israeli political parties was accentuated in the 1992 elections when
primary elections were first held. The introduction of primaries as a means
for selecting parliamentary candidates sharpened politicians' sensitivity to
the public mood. In the primaries, only the registered members of a certain
party may vote in that party's internal elections and can thereby decide who
will be the party's candidates to the Knesset.
2.1. Party Membership and Voting
In a survey conducted recently, 17.0% of the men and 10.9% of the women
respondents reported actual membership in political parties. Moreover, 44.3%
of the women polled stated that they did not support nor were they active in
any political party.
Table 1 - Women Elected to Knesset, by Party
Number of Number of % of Women
Party Men Women in Party
1996
Labor 31 3 9%
Likud 30 2 6%
Meretz 7 2 22%
1992
Labor 40 4 9%
Likud 30 2 6%
Ratz 4 2 33%
This data shows that in left-wing parties (Ratz, Meretz, Labor) women
representation is higher than in right-wing parties (Likud).Today, a small
number of women hold high-ranking positions in political parties in Israel.
These include: Zehava Galon - General Secretary of Meretz (Israel Democratic
Party), Tamar Guzanski - Leader of Chadash (Democratic Party for Peace and
Equality), Limor Livnat (Likud) - Minister of Communications, and until
recently, Shualmit Aloni who founded the Civil Rights Party and served as
Cabinet Minister under the government headed by the late Yitzhak Rabin. None
of the religious parties had any female candidates in viable places on their
party lists.
Women who attain top party positions, do not regard themselves as representing
the female constituency but rather the public at large. Moreover, women
members of parliament take pains to emphasize that their political careers are
geared toward national ends, rather than towards promulgating women's
interests.
2.2. Public Awareness of Women Candidates
The media has a very important role in publicizing election campaigns,
particularly of women. According to a poll conducted two months before the
recent 1996 elections, 94% of the people interviewed said that they received
information about women candidates from the media, while only 11% reported
they received it from the candidates' public activity. In the same poll, 68%
of the people interviewed said they believed there was no discrimination
between men and women by the media. 32% of the women interviewed and 25% of
the men believed there was discrimination against women. The following table
describes the sources by which members of the public gain recognition of the
candidates.
Table 2 - Sources of Recognition
Public Awareness
Source by Men by Women Total
Media 94.8% 93.3% 93.8%
Public Involvement 9.8% 12.0% 10.9%
Personal knowledge 6.7% 7.0% 6.9%
Letters to Voters 1.0% 7.2% 2.5%
Other 1.0% 3.8% 2.0%
Source: The Institute for Special Analysis
This next table illustrates the effectiveness of campaigning by women
candidates.
Table 3 - Public Awareness of Women Candidates
No. of Candidates
Recognized By Men(%) By Women(%) Total
0 13 21.9 17.8
1 .9 5.6 3.4
2 4.5 5.6 5.1
3 9.4 7.8 8.5
4 8.1 14.5 11.6
5 17.5 13.4 15.4
6 to 10 33.2 23.8 28
11 and up 13.5 7.4 10.1
Source: The Institute for Spatial Analysis
2.3. Securing Places for Women
In the 1996 elections, 69 women ran for elections within the parties
(primaries). The Labor party secured 6 places for women on its list (out of
44) and the Likud party secured 3 places for women (out of 42). Meretz, the
Citizen Rights Party, secured 3 places on its list (out of 14).
After the votes were counted only 3 women were elected from the Labor party
and only 2 women from the Likud party. From Meretz only 2 women were elected
out of 9 Knesset members (constituting 22%). These results are primarily
because the large parties diminished in their strength.
3. Women's Representation in the Knesset
Chart 1 -Women MKs Throughout the Years
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
In the 1996 elections only 9 women out of 120 were elected to the Knesset.
This figure represents a decline in the number of women in the Knesset.
3.1 Women as Knesset Members
Many of the powerful seats and positions in the Knesset have never been
assigned to women. For example, there has never been a woman Knesset Speaker,
though in many Knessets women have served as deputy speakers. On the two most
powerful Knesset committees, the Foreign and Security Affairs Committee and
the Finance Committee, few women have been assigned. As in other countries,
there are many women on committees which are responsible for matters
associated with traditional women's interests, such as education, welfare, and
social services. In addition, women Member of Knesset have been active in
promoting bills and petitions which have dealt with family, welfare, social
and economic matters.
In the present Knesset (1996 elections) the nine women in the Knesset serve
on one or more of the following Knesset committees: 1 woman on the
Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, 3 women on the Labor Committee, 3
women on the Education and Culture Committee, 3 women on the Immigration
Committee, 2 women on the Interior Committee.
4. Women in Government
Since the emergence of the State of Israel, only one woman, Golda Meir, has
served as prime minister. Having served in the Knesset since 1949, Golda Meir
was elected prime minister in 1969 and held the prime minister's office until
1974.
Since the establishment of the State of Israel, six women have served as
cabinet ministers. In the current government only 1 of 18 ministers is a woman
(Limor Livnat, Minister of Communications). In addition, the heads of 2
government offices, the Environment Protection Department and the Justice
Department, are women.
5. Women in Local Authorities
Data indicates women's representation in local authorities has been extremely
limited. Nevertheless, there has been a significant increase in women's
representation since the first local elections were held in 1950:
Chart 2 - Women Elected to Local Councils
During the State's existence, only six women have served as heads of local
councils, none of them in a city with a population over 10,000. Currently,
there is only one woman head of a local council, and seven women serve as
deputy mayors.
6. Women in the Civil Service
6.1 Ranks of Women in the Civil Service
Although women made up 59.4% of all civil-servants in December 1995, their
rate among the senior staff (namely the three top ranks) of the four main
classifications (which compose the main resource for managers in the civil
service) was only 10.5%. Women's underrepresentation in the top positions is
correlated by their overrepresentation in the lowest ranks (rank 8 and below),
where they made up 64.2% of all workers in December 1995. Recent data
submitted by the Civil Commission to the Knesset Committee on the Advancement
of Women show that significant progress was made from December 1994 to
December 1996: the number of women among the senior staff has more than
tripled in those two years (from 25 to 85) so that women now make up 14% of
the senior staff. However, this apparent progress is misleading, since
between 1993 and 1994 a sharp decline in the rate of women in top positions
took place, as a result of the new payment-agreements that were signed. This
analysis is supported by an examination of the changes in the rate of women
among the lowest ranks, relative to their total rate in those four main
classifications: from December 1994 to December 1996 the total rate of women
increased from 53.5% to 54.3%, and their rate among the lowest ranks increased
from 63.7% to 64.3%. In other words, women continue to be overrepresented in
the lowest ranks of the Service.
6.2 Tenders in the Civil Service
The increase of women's participation in internal job-tenders in the civil
service, both as candidates and as appointees, is quite constant: in four
years the percentage of women candidates has more than doubled, from 23.2% in
1993 to 51.9% in 1996, and the percentage of women who were appointed has
likewise more than doubled, from 26.1% in 1993 to 55.7% in 1996. The
situation in public tenders is far less positive: from a slight increase in
the percentage of women candidates and appointees (from 33.6% in 1994 to
35.2% in 1995 among the candidates, and from 36% in 1994 to 36.7% in 1995 of
those appointed), there was a sharp decline among women candidates, and an
even sharper one of those appointed: only 30.3% among the candidates were
women, and only 28.9% of those appointed were women. The decline in the
actual number of women who presented their candidacy went from 3000 in 1994 to
1670 in 1996. Furthermore, while women are consistently appointed at a higher
rate relative to the rate of women who presented their candidacy (with an
exception in 1994 internal tenders), this has shifted in the 1996 public
tenders. The Commission tries to explain this general decline by the overall
cutbacks that were imposed on the Civil Service during 1996.
In 1996, an additional regression appears in the gender-composition of the
tender committees. As explained under Article 2 above, one of the changes in
the Civil Service Code following the 1993 Ben-Israel committee recommendations
was reinforcement of the requisite representation of both sexes in tender
committees. Although there was indeed a slow decline between 1993 to 1995 in
the number of committees composed of men only, both in internal and public
tenders (e.g. from 5.4% to 1.6% of all committees in internal tenders, and
from 33.5% to 28.6% of all committees in public tenders), there was an
unexplained increase in their percentage in 1996 (3.9% in internal tenders and
30.6% in public tenders).
A final piece of information concerning tenders will conclude this examination
on a somewhat pessimistic note: upon examination of data that analyses the
rates of candidacy and appointment in public tenders in five leading
classifications (which together made up 80% of all public tenders) along the
line of specific ranks, it appears that during 1995-96, very few women
presented their candidacy to the top three positions, and no women were
appointed to them, except in the lawyers classification. Furthermore, there
is a consistent decrease in both the rates of women candidates and the rates
of women appointed as their rank increases.
Notwithstanding this analysis, an inner report of the Civil Service Commission
from July 1995 analyzes the data gathered from all tender committees and
concludes that at present, women stand a higher chance of being appointed in
tender committees than men. The report raises the question of why so few
women present their candidacy to these tenders. This is clearly one area in
which more analytical energy needs to be invested.
7. Women in Public Institutions
7.1 In the General Labor Union (Histadrut)
The General Labor Union is a powerful organization which acts an an umbrella
for many workers' unions in Israel.
Table 4 - Women in the Histadrut
Total Men Women %of Women
Executive Committee:
Members 188 158 30 16%
Deputies 194 155 39 20%
Histadrut Council:
Members 508 392 116 23%
Deputies 257 181 76 30%
Histadrut Convention (Delegates) 1154 946 208 18%
Executive Committee of the Holding Co 22 20 2 9%
Secretaries of the Labor Councils 65 63 2 3%
7.1.1. Resolution Securing Equal Representation for WomenIn January 1995 an
important resolution was passed in the Histadrut Convention. This resolution
added a provision to the articles of association of the Histadrut which
demands that in every Labor Union there shall be at least 30% women. In
addition, the same shall apply to all Workers' Committees.
7.2. Workers' Committees and Labor Councils
At present, 10% of all workers' committees are headed by women, and 17% of the
workers' committees membership is comprised of women. There are currently 3
women secretaries of Labor Councils, 2 women deputy-secretaries of Labor
Councils, and 20 women secretaries of Labor Unions. Women hold managerial
positions in many Labor Councils: there are presently 4 community welfare
managers, 1 educational manager, 13 treasurers, 18 community managers, 3
absorption committee heads, 3 youth committee heads, 4 consumer committee
heads, 10 cultural committee heads, 8 senior citizens committee heads, 19
accountants and one spokeswoman. Altogether, there are 530 women out of 1028
overall serving in labor councils, constituting 51% of those serving in labor
councils.
8. The Judiciary
The percentage of women in the judiciary is extraordinarily high compared to
other areas of public life. In all the different courts (Supreme Court,
District Courts, Magistrate Courts, Labor Courts) there are 146 women judges
and 229 men judges. In other words, women constitute 40% of the judiciary in
Israel.
Table 5 - Judges, by Courts
Female Male Total %of Women
JUDGES
Supreme Court 3 11 14 21%
District Courts 23 67 90 26%
Magistrates Courts 87 121 209 42%
Traffic Courts 14 15 29 48%
National Labor Court 1 3 4 25%
Regional Labor Courts 18 12 30 60%
REGISTRARS
Local Courts 28 22 50 56%
Regional Labor Courts 9 2 11 82%
Source: Central Courts Administration
Chart 3 - Percentage of Woman and Men Judges in Various Courts
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Women's relatively large representation in the judiciary is also evidenced in
the public sector of the legal profession. The present State Attorney is a
woman. Her predecessor was the first woman to serve in this role and was
later appointed to the Supreme Court. Four out of the five District Attorneys
are women. In the District Attorneys offices, there are 207 women lawyers
compared to 126 men, and 237 women public service attorneys compared to 115
men.
9. Representation in Religious Bodies
9.1 Rabbinical Courts
The Religious Judges Law - 1955 and the Druse Courts Law - 1962 have been
interpreted by Jewish, Muslim and Druse religious leaders to mean that only
men can serve as judges in these courts. Consequently, Israel has expressed
its reservation with regard to Article 7(b) of the Convention concerning the
appointment of women to serve as judges of religious courts.
9.2 Municipal Religious Councils
In recent years, changes have taken place in the representation of women in
religious bodies. Following two landmark Supreme Court decisions in 1988,
women were granted the right to participate in the committee for selection of
chief rabbis and the right to participate in municipal religious councils. In
Poraz v. Tel Aviv Mayor, the Supreme Court allowed women to participate in the
committee for the selection of the Tel Aviv chief rabbi, emphasizing that
exclusion of women from serving on political committees which deal with
religious matters constitutes discrimination and is therefore void. In
Shakdiel v. Minister of Religious Affairs, the Supreme Court granted Leah
Shakdiel the right to be elected to the religious council of the city Yeruham
in southern Israel.
Despite this landmark decision, which opened the doors to women who wished to
serve on municipal religious councils, the number of women on municipal
religious councils remains small. Out of 139 religious councils, only 12
councils include a woman. Almost a decade after the Supreme Court decision,
women still have great difficulties in getting elected to municipal religious
councils.
10. Government Corporations
As explained in Article 4 above, an amendment to the Government Companies
Law-1975 was passed in 1993 which requires equal representation of both sexes
in the board of directors of every government corporation. Furthermore, the
amendment demands that in order to promote the goal of equal representation,
the Ministers shall appoint directors from the less-represented sex until such
equality is achieved.
A public committee, headed by a District Court Judge, was established to
oversee the implementation of this amendment. The committee discovered that in
most government corporations there were no female directors. Thus, the
committee's main function has been to "remind" all government agencies of
their duty, in accordance with the amendment, to appoint female directors to
government corporations where openings are available.
This amendment came under judicial review when two government corporations,
Israel Ports and Trains Authority and Israel Refineries, appointed two men to
the board of directors, in each of which there were no women. The Supreme
Court decided that these appointments were invalid because they disregarded
the amendment. Justice Matza, delivering the opinion of the Court, justified
the use of affirmative action in light of the conspicuous inequality of women
representation in government corporations. Justice Matza relied on Basic Law:
Human Dignity and Liberty, claiming that equality is an inherent attribute to
a person's dignity. A more detailed description of the decision is found under
Article 4 above.
According to a research conducted in 1996, this amendment's effects have been
felt in 68% of government corporations. Still there are 18 corporations (16%)
in which there are no women directors. In 12 corporations (11%) the number of
women remains the same as it did in 1993, the year the amendment was passed.
But there has been progress in many corporations: in 48% of those where there
were no women directors in 1993, women have since been appointed as
directors. In 21 corporations (18.9%) where women served as directors in 1993,
there has been a significant increase in their number.
Although the amendment has caused a substantial improvement in women
representation, progress remains to be done since in the majority of
government corporations women still constitute less than 30 % of the
directors.
11. Women's Political Activism
The involvement of women in extra-parliamentary political activity has been
aimed at influencing the decision making process from the grassroots level.
The focus of these groups has been organizing demonstrations, rallies, peace
marches and other activities aimed at influencing public opinion.
In 1977 the peace movement known as Shalom Achsav (Peace Now) was established
with the aim of pressuring the Israeli government to consider constructive
peace proposals. Although many women participated in the activities of this
movement it was not an exclusively a women's movement.
Many women have linked their broader political involvement with feminist
political strategies. In 1982, after the Peace for the Galilee Operation in
Lebanon, some fifty women, and a few men, joined together under the name
"Parents against the Silence," to collect signatures and sign petitions
calling for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Lebanon. Another group
called "Women against the Invasion of Lebanon" was formed consisting of
feminist activists who demanded the immediate withdrawal of the troops from
Lebanon.
After the Lebanon War ended, this group continued to operate under the name
"Women against the Occupation." They protested the conditions under which
Palestinian women were held in Israeli prisons.
After the Palestinian uprising (intifada) broke out in December 1987, a
women's peace movement was formed which protested the military policy in the
occupied territories. The group, called Women in Black, gathered every Friday
afternoon wearing black at a central square in Jerusalem to mourn the victims
of violence and called for the end of the occupation. Later this form of
demonstration spread to 33 other locations in Israel. The Women in Black
became an embodiment of peaceful protest which was widely imitated around the
world.
Another peace group which was formed in Haifa was called Women for Women. This
organization also demanded the end of the occupation and for the recognition
of a national right to self-determination for the Palestinian inhabitants of
the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
The Women's Organization for Political Prisoners (WOFPP) was founded in 1988
and focused on the fate of individual Palestinian women who had been
imprisoned. The WOFPP continually brought human rights violations in military
jails to the attention of the Israeli public.
All of the women's peace groups and activities have been guided by a desire to
establish and institutionalize a Palestinian-Israeli dialogue. For this
purpose, many joint conferences and demonstrations were held, and meetings
between Israeli and Palestinian women were based on the assumption that
concerned women could eliminate prejudices in personal conversations. The
women's peace movement also managed to attract the attention of the Israeli
population at large by organizing large-scale events and conferences which
were open to the public. Thus, the peace initiative of the government headed
by the late Yitzhak Rabin in 1993 can be partly attributed to the efforts and
continued protest of the women's peace groups.
The efforts of Israeli women to join and influence the peace process continued
after the Oslo Accords were signed in September 1993, when the Jerusalem Link
was founded. The Jerusalem Link comprises a coordinating committee of two
women's centers, independent of each other, one Jewish in West Jerusalem,
"Bat Shalom" (Hebrew for Daughter of Peace), and the other Arab in East
Jerusalem, "Jerusalem Center for Women". They organize joint demonstration
against human rights violations in Israeli jails and organize drives to
collect signatures. Both organizations are concerned with promoting feminist
ideas both in the Israeli and Palestinian public.
Another women's group called Association of Women for Peace was formed since
the signing of the Oslo Accords. The association holds meetings of Israeli
and Palestinian women, and its goal is to strengthen the peace process and to
facilitate the implementation of the Interim Agreement between Israel and the
Palestinian Authority.
Since the Oslo Accords, a right-wing women's group was formed in protest
against Israeli concessions in the peace process. This group, called Women in
Green, derives its name from its rival Women in Black. They participate in
demonstrations which oppose the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the occupied
territories, and protest the Israeli willingness to give up territory in
exchange for peace.
12. Women in the Security Forces: Military and Police
12.1. The Legal Framework
The Defense Service Law-1986, which replaced the 1949 version of the law,
mandates service in the military for both men and women, while differentiating
between the sexes regarding their conditions of service. Article 1 of the law
states that the law applies to men between the ages of 18 and 54, and to women
between the ages of 18 and 38. Gender-based differentiation is also made as
regards the length of mandatory service in the Army, the extent of reserve
duty obligations, voluntary service, and exemptions. According to the above
law, women are exempt from mandatory service if they are married, pregnant, or
mothers. In the very first years of the State, Prime Miniser Ben-Gurion made
a political arrangement with the leaders of the ultra-orthodox community in
Israel, whereby young men would be allowed to postpone or cancel their service
in the army in order to study in religious academies. While this arrangement
continues to be utilized today, its application is restricted to a narrow
segment of the population. The National Service Law, 1953 provides what may
be seen as a parallel arrangement for young women who, for religious or
conscientious reasons, are reluctant to serve in the Army. According to the
National Service Law, 1953, a woman may substitute military service with two
years of national service. This provision, however, is not strictly enforced.
As will be shown below, the percentage of women who do make use of the various
exemptions is significantly higher than that of men.
The Defense Service Law itself does not differentiate between the duties that
may be assigned to men and those which may be assigned to women. In practice,
however, IDF policy has generally been to discourage and forbid women soldiers
from serving in combat positions.
12.1.1. The Miller Case
Until 1956, a number of women served in the Air-Force as pilots of carrier
planes. Later, the decision was made that training women as fighter pilots
only to employ them as pilots of carrier planes was not cost-effective,
especially given their relatively short terms of service. Since then, and
until 1995, there was only one instance of a woman being accepted as a pilot
trainee.
In 1995, the Supreme Court decided in the landmark Alice Miller case that the
IDF could not claim logistical and budgetary constraints as justifications for
excluding women from serving as pilots in the Air-Force. Relying on the
Defence Service Law, 1986, the Army argued that the shorter mandatory service
required of women, together with their more limited reserve-duty obligations
and exemptions for pregnancy and childbirth, interfered with the ability of
the Army to make efficient use of the resources and funds invested in the
training of each individual pilot. In three separate majority opinions, the
Court rejected this line of reasoning, holding instead that the principle of
equality required the Army to overcome such obstacles and accommodate the
natural biological needs of women, just as it would the natural needs of men.
As Justice Matza stated: "Even if the assumption were that the average total
contribution of the female pilot--from the point of view of length and
continuity of service-- were less than that of the male pilot, this is a
difference resulting from the very fact that she is a woman. This difference
may not be held against her, and it can be dealt with logistically." Justice
Matza, finding for Miller, suggested the Army conduct a trial period during
which it would admit a limited number of female pilots and determine whether,
in fact, such admission presented insurmountable obstacles.
The Army has since taken steps to implement the Alice Miller decision. Two
classes of women candidates have begun the pilot training course, and
guidelines have been established to adapt army policy regarding women's
service to the potential reality of women combat pilots. The guidelines
include provisions requiring women pilot candidates to volunteer to serve
additional time and perform reserve duty, logistical arrangements regarding
sleeping arrangements, and instructions regarding the event of pregnancy.
They similarly provide that despite the general policy according to which the
Commanding Officer (CO) of the Women's Corps has exclusive jurisdiction over
women serving in the IDF (discussed below), women pilot candidates are to be
subject to the jurisdiction of their course commanders. Perhaps most
importantly (in light of the army's general policy regarding women in combat),
the guidelines provide instructions whereby women pilots will perform combat
duties or duties in hostile territory according to the decision of the CO of
the Air Force, under the advisement of the Chief of Staff.
12.2. Women and Men in the Military--Some Data
Approximately 42% of all conscripted soldiers in 1996 were women. While
approximately 68% of draftable women were conscripted in 1996 (the remaining
32% receiving exemptions of one form or another), 83.3% of draftable men were
enlisted.
12.2.1. Women and Men Officers
The graph below compares the 1995 proportion of women officers during
mandatory service to the total number of officers, as distributed among the
various corps.
Chart 4 - Percent of Women Officers in Service (Mandatory and Career), by
Corps
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Thus, the greater the combat component, the smaller the proportion of
women officers. The graph below presents the same breakdown, this time for
women career officers. It may be noted that in no corps do women constitute
significantly more than half of the total career officers:
Chart 5 - Percent of Women Officers in Career Service, by Corps
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Because women do not serve in combat positions, they are excluded from the
upper echelons of the military hierarchy and confront a classic "glass
ceiling" in their efforts to advance professionally. As can be seen from the
table below, there were only nine women at the rank of Colonel in 1985 and
still only 11 in 1995, two of which served in Chen (the women's corps). In
contrast, there was a significant increase in the proportion of women officers
up to the rank of lieutenant colonel resulting from pressure from women
wishing to move up the hierarchy and supported by the CO of Chen, as well as
from the military's increased recognition of women's competence. It should
also be noted that in 1995 women constituted two thirds of the second
lieutenants, the lowest officer rank. The higher proportion of women junior
officers among those in compulsory military service is explained by the
profile characteristics of the women conscripted and the type of jobs women
do. Women are recruited at what in military terms is defined as a
significantly higher "quality-score" floor than men, and men with a high
quality-score profile are more likely to be assigned to combat than to officer
roles (Izraeli, 1997). Consequently, proportionately more women than men
qualify to be officers and more are used in jobs of officer rank--mainly in
the Personnel Corps. Furthermore, the proportion of women among Second
Lieutenants has increased significantly in the last decade, as jobs done by
women or to which women were transferred, primarily in the Personnel Corps,
were upgraded from Non-Commissioned Officer to junior officer, resulting in an
increase in the total number of officer roles at the lowest ranks:
Table 6 - Proportion of Women Among Officers, and Distribution of Officers by
Gender and Rank
1985 1995 1995
Rank % Women % Women Women Men
Major General 0 0
Brigadier 0 0
Brigadier General 0 0.8
Colonel 1.5 2.2 2 1.8
Lieutenant Colonel 4.6 10.3 2.5 10.4
Major 13.6 21.2 14.1 25.7
Captain 12.1 22.5 12.4 20.9
First Lieutenant 15.3 37.3 32.7 26.8
Second Lieutenant 66.6 35.5 8.7
Civilians Employed by Military 18.4 2.6 5.5
Total 32.8 100% 100%
Source: IDF Spokesman
The following table shows the differences between men and women regarding the
amount of time each serves in their rank before being promoted. At all
levels, women must invest significantly more time before they are promoted to
higher ranks. The graph differentiates between the General and Personnel
Corps on the one hand, in which there is a relatively high participation of
women, and "the rest" of the IDF, including combat related fields on the
other, where women's presence is far less marked:
Table 7 - Average Seniority (in months) Before Promotion- Women as Compared to
Men
General Army + Personnel Rest of IDF*
Advancement Women Officers Men Officers Women Men
Officers Officers
Lt. Colonel-Colonel 135.2 79.9 78.1
Major-Lt. Colonel 90.1 75.4 101.4 69.7
Captain-Major 49.6 48.5 50.4 48.6
First Lt.-Captain 40 31.9 37.9 31.4
* Including Male Combat Positions
Source: IDF Spokesman
To round out the picture, the following table delineates the average age at
which women receive their promotions, as compared to their male counterparts.
Table 8 - Average Age of Receiving Promotions
General Army + Personnel Rest of IDF*
Advancement Women Officers Men Officers Women Men
Officers Officers
Lt. Colonel-Colonel 48 40.1 39.4
Major-Lt. Colonel 35.4 35.9 37.3 35.3
Captain-Major 28.5 30.4 29.1 30.1
First Lt.-Captain 23.7 24.2 24.6 24.9
* Including Male Combat Positions
In 1995, a total of 3 officers were granted the title of Colonel.
One of them received her title at an advanced age.
Source: IDF Spokesman
The charts below compare the relative chances of men and women to be promoted
at various levels of rank, in 1983, 1988, and 1995.
Chart 6 - Relative Chances of Reaching High Ranks
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
12.2.2. Distribution of Men and Women among Jobs in the Military
In recent years, more jobs have opened up to women in the army. In 1976,
according to the abovementioned Commission on the Status of Women (1978), 210
out of 709 jobs were open to women, but women actually served in about half of
those. Approximately 70% were in clerical positions. In 1988 women served in
234 of the approximately 500 jobs open to them. In 1996 they served in 282 of
the 447 jobs open to them, while 178 were classified as combat positions and
were closed to women. We can thus see that many more opportunities are open
to women today than in the past.
The scope of this change, however, is significantly limited by the exclusion
of women from combat roles. While the Defense Services Law, 1986 no longer
differentiates between men and women as regards the jobs which they are
permitted to perform in the army, IDF policy continues to exclude women from
combat positions. A differentiation should be made between positions which
actually involve combat--which are closed to women--and non-combat positions
in combat fields, which are open to women. Thus, for example, women may serve
as instructors for jobs that are in fact combat jobs, but they are not allowed
to perform those duties in the field. A third category involves jobs
performed in combat areas. Combat areas are in principle also closed to
women, unless specific approval has been granted. No women today, for
example, serve in Lebanon, regardless of the actual content of the duty they
perform. Women do perform non-combat functions in the West Bank and Gaza. In
addition to the actual combat positions which are closed to women, various
positions, while not actually involving combat, have traditionally been viewed
as requiring previous combat experience and have thus been closed de facto to
women as well. These include Chief Educational Officer, CO of Intelligence,
CO of Personnel, Military Spokesperson, Chief Medical Officer, Chief Mental
Health Officer, Chief Military Prosecutor, and President of the Appeals Court.
The exclusion of women from these high-ranking positions has been criticized
as withholding from women what could be an alternative route to leadership.
The use of women instructors for combat units was introduced in the early
1980's and has become relatively accepted. Between 1983 and 1993, women's
representation among instructors grew by over 400%. Serving as an instructor
for men-only units is therefore among the most prestigious jobs open to women.
It should be pointed out, however, that the actual number of women instructors
relative to male instructors remains low. The following table presents the
breakdown of jobs held by women in the army, as compared with men:
Table 9 - Distribution of Conscripts by Gender and Job Category (1995)
Job Category Women Men
Quality 32.6 13
Maintenance/Administration 39.1 18
Officers 6.4 4.6
Combat Instructors 4.6 19.8
Technical 1.7 18.1
Drivers 1.9 8.8
Not Yet Classified 13.7 17.5
Source: IDF Spokesman
A look at the composition of mixed courses for various jobs in the army shows
the extent to which certain jobs are still considered "feminine," while other,
relatively prestigious non-combat jobs, have become gender-neutral. Over 90%
of participants in personnel and education-related NCO courses are women. On
the other hand, courses for computer operators, air photo decoders, field
security personnel, and flight supervisors have basically equal
representations of both men and women:
Table 10 - Breakdown of Courses
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
In certain areas, such as the technical branches, women's participation
remains low despite the willingness of the army to accept women into such
positions. This is mainly due to the fact that few women who are enlisted in
the army have the pre-army training necessary to effectively fill these
positions, and their short service makes it cost-ineffective for the army to
specifically train them for these positions. As the technological services
are among the most essential in the IDF, the lack of women's participation in
this area of the army, together with their exclusion from combat and their
exemption from reserve duty, mean that women are effectively absent from three
of the most significant branches of the army. The army has recently become
involved in various projects in conjunction with civilian industrial bodies,
designed to encourage women to enter technological fields.
One project, which has not yet been implemented, aims to encourage 9th grade
girls to enter technological areas of study in high school, the assumption
being that they would then continue working in these fields both in the army
and after. Another program aims to encourage women finishing high school to
postpone their army service while obtaining a degree in one of the
technological fields, and then serve in the army in a position connected to
what they have studied. This is part of a general program, called the Atudah,
which enables men and women to postpone their army service while completing
their studies beforehand. Women who join the Atudah program have a higher
chance of actually performing their army service in their specialized area of
study than do men, since men's ability to do so is subject to the army's need
for combat soldiers.
12.3 Interaction Between the Military and Civilian Life
Various researchers have referred to the paradoxical effect of the military on
Israeli women's status (Izraeli 1997). On the one hand, Israel prides itself
on being the only nation in the world where women, like men, are conscripted
for mandatory service in the military. Given the importance of the army in
Israeli society, this represents a mark of gender equality. However, military
service for most women is quite different than it is for men. While a certain
amount of progress has been made in the last decade regarding the improvement
of women's status within the army, and while more and more jobs have been
opening up to them, women continue to be excluded from combat positions. Thus
women remain excluded from the upper echelons of the military leadership.
In order to understand the impact of this dynamic upon the status of Israeli
women, it is necessary to understand the social and political significance of
the army in Israel. As a country preoccupied with security concerns, Israel
has been forced to invest a tremendous amount in the military, both
financially and socially. The army is therefore one of the most important
public institutions. Sociologists have pointed out the role that has been
assigned to the army as a major source for the formation and recruitment of
the political, and to a certain extent, economic elite (Izraeli, 1997; Yishai,
1997). It is an important channel for political recruitment and a recruitment
pool for civilian managers in business and industry. It also serves as an
educational and socializing agency and provides a source of personal identity
as well as of national pride and identification.
As sociologists assert, the role of women within the army, therefore, has
tremendous consequences for their status outside the army. The fact that no
woman possesses rank over Brigadier General and that only men are found at the
top echelons of the IDF, essentially means that it is only men who define and
detemine issues of national security. (Izraeli, 1997). As prestigious combat
positions are virtually the only avenue to the most senior positions in the
professional army, and the symbolic rewards and glory associated with them,
women's exclusion from combat units means their exclusion from the top ranks
of the army.
A recent study by Professor Izraeli shows that in some cases, the link between
military and civilian success has even been institutionalized. For example,
El-Al, Israel's national airline, recruits its pilots exclusively from the
military. While this policy is currently being challenged in the Labor Court
on the basis of the Equal Employment Opportunies Law-1988 (see Article 2), and
while women are currently being trained as IDF pilots, this restriction has
meant that women can never be hired as El-Al pilots.
12.4 The Chen--Women' Corps
Today, all women enter the army through the "Women's Corps" (called in Hebrew
by the acronym Chen). The Women's Corps was created during the War of
Independence and was based on a compromise between two competing models--the
"Palmach" model, in which men and women served in mixed units, and the English
model, in which women served separately in an auxiliary unit. There is no
"Men's Corps" in the army, and all other corps are identified by their
respective functions. Chen has formal responsibility for all women soldiers
with regard to military training (including officer training), job
assignments, discipline and judicial matters, as well as welfare and
well-being, including protection from sexual harassment. Since 1983, Chen has
had a Women's Corps Social Worker, whose job it is to assist women soldiers in
handling their unique problems, including how to proceed if pregnant, how to
manage various sexual issues, and how to deal with problems of sexual
harassment.
Until 1987, the rank of the CO of Chen was that of Colonel. Only after
intensive public pressure from women's organizations and women members of the
Knesset, was the rank raised to that of Brigadier General, one rank below the
CO of Personnel. Since the highest ranking woman in the IDF is a Brigadier
General, and since there is only one woman of that rank, no woman is of high
enough rank to participate in the meetings of the General Staff on a regular
basis. The CO of Chen reports to the Chief of Personnel and may advise the
Chief of Staff on matters of specific relevance to women. Until very
recently, the CO of Chen was rarely consulted on matters of general relevance
to women. For example, she was not party to the relevant decisions to cut
women's military service from 24 to 22 and then 21 months.
Until the mid 1970s, the gender regime of the military, like most other
aspects of the IDF, was not open to public critique. A number of social and
political developments in the 1970s paved the way for a greater awareness of
women's problems in and regarding the army, and in 1978 the report of the
Prime Minister's Commission on the Status of Women challenged the prevailing
myth of gender equality. The most direct frontal attack on the gender
practices of the military, however, came from hearings conducted in the
Knesset standing Committee on the Status of Women (1992-1996) and from the
1995 Alice Miller case (mentioned above).
12.5 Sexual Harassment in the Army
While the army has begun to recognize and deal with the problem of sexual
harassment, its handling of the issue has been criticized by women's groups
for focusing on treatment and guidance for the victims or potential victims,
rather than on educating the men soldiers and commanders to behave properly.
In the IDF, as in the civilian sector, it is lives of the women complainants
which are disrupted by their coming forward, rather than those of the sexual
harassers; the preferred solution in fact being to transfer the complainant
to another base rather than to suspend the man.
All women soldiers who are conscripted into the army are provided with
information about sexual harassment and about the options available to those
who experience it. They are encouraged to view harassment as the fault of the
perpetrator and to come forward and report the incidents. Confidentiality is
ensured, and the soldier's right to choose which one of the available services
she turns to is emphasized (i.e. Women's Corps Social Worker, Military Police,
Women's Corps CO, immediate commander, etc.). Various services, such as a
hotline for sexual harassment complaints and a program in which victims of
sexual harassment are provided with the counseling of a Chen officer, have
recently been implemented. A comprehensive proposal for dealing with the
phenomenon of sexual harassment in the army has recently been discussed, and
the likelihood of its implementation is high. This proposal provides a broad
definition of sexual harassment, emphasizing that it may be verbal or
physical, and that it may involve explicit or implicit exploitation of
authoritative position. It also obligates various officials to report to the
military police all instances of physical harassment which come to their
attention. Investigation by the police is then conditional upon the victim's
consent and the Women's Corps Social Worker's assessment.
In 1994 the Chen Corps issued an internal report discussing the phenomenon of
sexual harassment within the military, and found that most incidents of sexual
harassment and indecent acts resulted only in absurdly low fines to be paid by
the perpetrator. Recently, efforts have been made within Chen to ensure that
punishments for sexual harassment reflect the severity of the damage caused to
women soldiers who experience it, and in some cases sentences of 8 years
imprisonment have been imposed. Similarly, the Personnel Division of the IDF
recently decided to increase the severity of the punishments imposed and to
ensure that any career soldier convicted of sexual harassment be discharged.
12.6 Women in the Police
According to statistics of the Police Force of Israel, as of December 1995,
women constituted approximately 18% of the Police (3583 women, as opposed to
16,490 men). While in 1995 women constituted approximately 25% of the
applicants and only 12% of those who were eventually accepted, in the first
part of 1996 (until May), women constituted 20% of the applicants and 20% of
those who were accepted.
While the police force has no official policy regarding the areas within which
women may serve, various positions either require army combat experience as a
precondition for acceptance or indicate army combat experience as a preferred
criterion. Given the policy of the IDF regarding women in combat, discussed
above, this precondition effectively bars or hinders women from being able to
serve in such positions.
In 1996 a petition was filed to the Supreme Court by several women applicants
who felt that they had been discriminated against in their attempts to gain
acceptance to the police force, and especially to what are considered "combat
positions" within the force. In response to the petition, the Police decided
to establish a committee to investigate the issue of women in the police
force, and to reevaluate the policies according to which acceptance into its
various branches is determined. The petition has not yet been decided by the
Court.
ARTICLE 8
International Representation and Participation
State Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure to women, on equal
terms with men and, without any discrimination, the opportunity to represent
their Governments at the international level and to participate in the work of
international organizations.
1. General
Women in Israel represent the Government on an international level, however
the current numbers of women serving in this capacity are not yet equal to
that of men. The present level of women's participation in the foreign service
can be seen as a reflection women's overall position in the Israeli labor
market, particularly in the civil service.
2. Details on Women's Representation
The following table shows the number of men and women in the foreign service.
Table 1 - Representation in the Foreign Service
Home Office Abroad
Men Women %Women Men Women %Women
Diplomatic Status Diplomatic Status
Senior Ranks Senior Ranks
Ambassador 56 1 2% Ambassador 14 1 7%
Minister 30 2 6% Minister 45 - 0%
Minister Counselor 13 19 59% Minister Counselor 54 6 10%
Junior Ranks Junior Ranks
Counselor 45 29 39% Advisor 41 16 28%
First Secretary 29 40 58% First Secretary 36 14 28%
Second Secretary 8 16 67% Second Secretary 51 14 22%
Administrative Status
Deputy Director General 13 - 0%
Sub-Department Heads 9 3 25%
Division Heads 58 14 19%
Source: Ministry of Foreign Affairs
In 1996, 55 men and 21 women were recuited to the foreign service which
indicates some improvement in women's representation.
Chart 1 -Percentage of Women New Recruits- Through the Years
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Table 2 - Number of New Recruits Through the Years
Year Total Men Women
1972 4 3 1
1973 9 9 -
1975 6 5 1
1976 13 10 3
1977 10 10 -
1978 10 8 2
1979 6 5 1
1981 13 11 2
1982 12 11 1
1983 16 11 5
1984 7 6 1
1985 9 9 -
1986 21 18 3
1987 9 8 1
1988 13 11 2
1989 11 10 1
1990 15 12 3
1991 20 16 4
1992 18 15 3
1993 22 14 8
1994 45 31 14
1995 52 34 18
Source: Foreign Ministry
While there is no formal affirmative action policy in the foreign service, two
years ago a decision to correct the discrimination in the numbers of women as
heads of missions (which currently stands at 91 men and 9 women) was made, and
a commitment to reach at least 50% female representation within ten years was
taken. Of the 9 women heads of missions, 4 are political appointments (as are
7 of the 91 men).
3. Women Representatives to International Organizations
Israel has representatives in three of the Human Rights conventions of the UN:
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women -
Dr. Carmel Shalev; Convention on the Rights of the Child - Deputy Attorney
General Yehudit Karp; and Convention on Political and Civil Rights - Prof.
David Kretchmer. The first two are women.
Among the representatives to the Peace Talks with the Palestinians, the
percentage of women varies. For the most part, there are no women in high
level positions, although at the middle working levels they are fairly
represented. This is partly a result of the fact that the talks are run mainly
by representatives of the army or by former army officials.
ARTICLE 9 Nationality
State Parties shall grant women equal rights with men to acquire, change, or
retain their nationality. They shall ensure in particular that neither
marriage to an alien nor change of nationality by the husband during marriage
shall automatically change the nationality of the wife, render her stateless
or force upon her the nationality of the husband.
States Parties shall grant women equal rights with men in respect to the
nationality of their children.
1. Citizenship
The Nationality Law-1952 states that Israeli nationality is acquired in one of
the following ways: through The Law Of Return-1950; residence in Israel; birth
or naturalization. Israeli citizenship laws do not differentiate between men
and women. Both genders have equal rights in regard to acquiring, changing or
retaining their nationality. Neither the change of nationality by one member
of a couple nor marriage to a non-citizen has any effect on one's
citizenship. According to the laws relating to citizenship acquired by birth,
both the father's and mother's citizenship carry equal weight.
According to The Law of Return, Jews and their relatives may acquire
citizenship upon arrival in Israel. The law defines a Jew as either someone
born to a Jewish mother, or a convert, and excludes Jews who have converted to
another religion. The familial relationship required to determine Jewishness
under The Law of Return is quite lenient and reaches back three generations.
Its leniency is reflected in the fact that even one married to a grandchild of
a Jew is entitled to acquire Israeli citizenship through The Law of Return.
In addition, other sections of The Nationality Law illustrate the identical
rights available to both men and women. Section 7 states that the spouse of
an Israeli national who has applied for citizenship through the naturalization
process and who meets all the necessary requirements may obtain citizenship
through naturalization even if he/she does not meet the necessary
requirements. Furthermore, Section 8 of the law states that naturalization
also confers Israeli citizenship on the minor children of the naturalized
person who were residents of Israel or the occupied territories at the time of
his/her naturalization. However, if the minor was a citizen of another
country, and both parents were entitled to custody, but only one went through
the naturalization process, the child will not obtain citizenship if one
parent declares that he/she is against his/her child becoming an Israeli
citizen. In any case, these provisions do not differentiate between the
parents at all on the basis of gender.
A 1980 amendment to The Nationality Law illustrates the effort that Israeli
legislators put forth to avoid discriminating against women. In section 4 of
the 1952 version of the law. It states that where one is born after ones
father's death, it shall be sufficient that the father was an Israeli citizen
at the time of his death in order for him/her to acquire Israeli citizenship.
Following the amendments this section speaks of the situation where one is
born after the death of either parent. Although practically this amendment
seems superfluous, it represents a legislative attempt to create total gender
equality within Israeli citizenship laws.
According to The Passport Law 1952, any Israeli citizen is entitled to a
passport upon request. Furthermore, in section 3 it states that a minister
may allow a child under the age of seventeen to obtain a joint passport with
either one of the minor's parents. There is no distinction between the
parents in either acquiring an independent passport for a child or in
acquiring a joint passport. Under regular circumstances the passport is
obtained upon the request of one parent. However, when parents are divorced
or due to other exceptional circumstances, the agreement of both parents are
necessary. In addition, since there are no restrictions on women's rights to
travel, Israeli lawmakers felt it unnecessary to protect these specific rights
in the law. Once again, the Israeli law in this area provides for equal and
identical rights for both men and women.
2. Residency
According to section 2 of the Entry into Israel Law -1952, entrance and
residential visas are issued based on the discretion of the Minister of
Interior. The visas are issued according to the policy set by the Ministry of
Interior. According to the existing policy, visas are given to spouses of
permanent residents of Israel on the basis of family unity, subject to
security and other limitations, and are distributed equally to both female and
male spouses.
Regulation 12 of the Regulations on Entry into Israel states that the status
of a child born in Israel but who is not a citizen is determined according to
his or her parents' status. If the parents have different status, the child
receives the status of the father or a guardian, unless the mother objects in
writing. In such a situation, the child will receive the status of the parent
as decided by the Minister of Interior. Due to the inequality in this
regulation, the current practice, is to skip the first stage and decide the
status of the child based on the parents' request. A child will be registered
as a permanent resident upon the request of the parents, after proving that
the central components of the family's life are in Israel.
ARTICLE 10 Education
States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination
against women in order to ensure to them equal rights with men in the field of
education and in particular to ensure, on a basis of equality of men and
women:
a) The same conditions for career and vocational guidance, for access to
studies and for the achievement of diplomas n educational establishments of
all categories in rural as well as in urban areas; this equality shall be
ensured in pre-school, general, technical, professional and higher technical
education, as well as in all types of vocational training;
b) Access to the same curricula, the same examinations, teaching staff with
qualifications of the same standard and school premises and equipment of the
same quality;
c) The elimination of any stereotyped concept of the roles of men and women
at all levels and in all forms of education by encouraging coeducation and
other types of education which will help to achieve this aim and, in
particular, by the revision of textbooks and school programmes and the
adaptation of teaching methods;
d) The same opportunities to benefit from scholarships and other study
grants;
e) The same opportunities for access to programmes of continuing education,
including adult and functional literacy programmes, particularly those aimed
at reducing, at the earliest possible time, any gap in education existing
between men and women;
f) The reduction of female student drop-out rates and the organisation of
programmes for girls and women who have left school prematurely;
g) The same opportunities to participate actively in sports and physical
education;
h) Access to specific educational information to help to ensure the health
and well-being of families, including information and advice on family
planning.
1.General and Legal Introduction
The Israeli educational system consists of kindergartens; elementary schools;
secondary schools (vocational and general), which are sometimes divided into
upper school and middle schools, teacher-training institutions, post
-secondary schools for continued and vocational studies, colleges and
universities. The school year is approximately ten months long, and the study
week in elementary schools is between 30-35 hours. In addition to formal
studies, there is an extensive range of extracurricular activities. The
educational policy reflects the needs of Israeli society, including the
absorption of immigrant students, the advancement of disadvantaged population
groups and social and academic integration. The school system consists of two
streams: State and State Religious. The State Religious system is autonomous
with respect to pedagogic considerations and curriculum. The ratio of
enrollment of Jewish students in the two streams is about 3/4 in the State
system, to 1/4 in the State-Religious system. There are also independent
"recognized" schools outside the State school system, most of which provide an
ultra-orthodox Jewish religious education or Christian religious education.
The independent "recognized" schools operate as non-profit organizations,
financed by the government. The teachers who teach in those schools are not
employed by the government, but rather by the schools themselves. The
structure of the institutions and content of the studies in the non-Jewish
sectors are analogous to those in the Jewish sector, with necessary
differences that reflect the different languages and cultures of these
populations. This Article will focus mainly on the Jewish schools within the
State school system, which compose the majority of schools in Israel.
The Israeli education system is financed primarily by the central government
and local education authorities. National expenditure on education has
remained steady at 8.5% in recent years, but it is estimated that an increase
in the prioritization of education will lead to an increase in the portion of
the GNP allocated to education. According to the Long School Day Law-1990,
which was passed under the initiative of the Knesset Committee on Education
and Culture, and with the support of the Ministry of Education and of the
social lobby in the Knesset, the duration of the school day shall soon be
extended to eight hours. Although this law formally applies throughout the
country, due to budgetary restraints, it has so far been implemented only in
peripheral areas.
Through examining the legal basis of education within Israel, it is evident
that the law provides equal opportunities for both men and women. According
to The Compulsory Education Law -1949, compulsory education is required for
all children between the ages of 5 and 15. Education is provided free of
charge through the age of 17, and for 18 year olds who have not yet completed
the eleventh grade. In 1991 this law was amended and section 3B currently
includes a prohibition against discrimination in acceptance, placement, and
advancement of students. The State Education Law-1953, provides for a six day
school week and determines the content and procedure of State education. It
further states that State education is to be based on building society on the
foundations of freedom, equality, tolerance, mutual assistance and love of
mankind. It should be noted that this law applies only to State schools, and
excludes independent "recognized" schools. The Minister of Education,
however, is authorized, under the The School Inspection Law-1968 to apply
those educational goals to the independent "recognized" schools as well. The
Special Education Law-1988, mandates special education for individuals between
the ages of 3 and 21 whose capacity for adaptive behavior is limited and who
are in need of special education. The Council For Higher Education Law-1958
defines the tasks of the Council For Higher Education, which is responsible
for accrediting and authorizing institutions of higher education that award
degrees.
2. Illiteracy Rates and Educational Levels
An illiterate person is defined by the Ministry of Education as a person who
has had less than four years of schooling. The table below illustrates that
although the total illiteracy rate is higher among women, there has been much
improvement in this area.
Table 1 - Population with 0-4 Years of Education
JEWS
Sex and Age Thousands Years of Schooling
(percents)
WOMEN 0 1 to 4
Total 1,681.30 4.3 2.1
15-17 111.4 0.1 0.3
18-24 260.8 0.5 0.2
25-34 302.5 1 0.4
35-44 311.4 1.5 0.4
45-54 232.6 2.5 1.4
55-64 178.8 11.3 5.5
65+ 283.8 13.3 6.7
MEN
Total 1,588.00 1.7 1.8
15-17 118 0.2
18-24 271.2 0.4 0.4
25-34 307.9 0.7 0.5
35-44 302.2 0.8 0.4
45-54 219.8 1.5 0.8
55-64 156.6 3.6 4.4
65+ 212.2 6.3 7.3
ARABS and OTHERS
WOMEN 0 1 to 4
Total 318.2 13.6 6.6
15-17 34.1 2 0.7
18-24 74.1 2.9 1.5
25-34 83.9 3.6 3.2
35-44 54.3 8.7 9.5
45-54 32.2 31.6 18.9
55-64 20.8 47 19.6
65+ 18.8 67.1 8.2
MEN
Total 315.7 4.1 5
15-17 35.7 1.6 1.3
18-24 76.4 0.9 1.1
25-34 83.9 1.1 1.4
35-44 53.2 3.1 3.4
45-54 32.1 5.1 10.7
55-64 19.5 13 23
65+ 14.9 34.6 24.5
Source: CBS, SAI 1996.
It is important to note that although the median years of schooling among Arab
women is the lowest (9.7 years, as compared to 10.6 among Arab men, 12.2 among
Jewish women and 12.3 among Jewish men), there is a steady increase in the
educational level within the general Arab population, and when specific age
groups are examined, within the group of Arab women.
Chart 1 -Median Number of Years of Study of over 15 year olds
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Another indication of levels of education can be seen in the following table.
The table illustrates that there is a somewhat low percentage of graduates of
higher education. However, it difficult to gather an adequate understanding
of the current percentages, since this table includes past, generations, when
the education system was not as advanced.
Table 2 - Population Aged 15 and Over, and Last Educational Institute
Attended, (percents)
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
3. High Schools in Israel
3.1. Basic Description of the School System and the Opportunities Available
to Students in High Schools
In order to understand the relevance of much of the statistics and research
conducted, it is essential to have a basic knowledge of the Israeli education
system, especially the somewhat complicated divisions within the
post-elementary (secondary) schools. The first six years of schooling, from
the age of 6 to 12, are conducted in elementary (primary) schools. The next
three years (13-15) are spent in intermediate schools, and from the ages of 16
to 18, education takes place in high-schools. The Israeli secondary-education
system is made up of both technological/vocational and general high-schools.
Most of the students that take their matriculation exams study in the general
schools. The students within these high-schools select, with the help of
advisors, a certain track within which to matriculate. This is accomplished by
choosing to study specific subjects on enhanced levels. Towards the end of the
intermediate school, the tracking process begins. Researchers describe the
process as beginning in eighth or ninth grade, when the students are placed
with the direction of an advisor, in either the technological or general
track. As of 1985, 43.6% of girls studied in the general track, while only
27.7% of boys studied in the general track. Students are able to study most
subjects on a variety of levels, however, not every combination of subject and
level is possible or available; in addition, in certain subjects, such as
mathematics and English, a minimum required level of studies may be imposed by
the school. Both boys and girls are able to learn the same subjects
throughout elementary school and high-school. However, it is apparent that
there are differences between the sexes regarding courses of study.
3.2 General and Technological / Vocational Tracking
Table 3 - Students in Technological Secondary and Post Secondary Education
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
The table above depicts machinery or electronics as almost exclusively male
subjects. It further shows building and architecture as subjects studied
equally by men and women. Statistics reveal, as expected, that fashion and
nursing/paramedics are clearly female dominated fields. Surprisingly, the
majority of biotechnical engineers and technicians are women.
Table 4 - Matriculation Examinees and Percent Entitled to Certificates (Hebrew
Education), 1993/94
Boys Girls
EXAMINEES
Total 23,187 27,866
General 14,651 21,333
Technological/Vocational 8,536 6,533
ENTITLED TO CERTIFICATES
Total 14,130 17,887
General 9,771 15,307
Technological/Vocational 4,359 2,580
PERCENT OF EXAMINEES ENTITLED
Total 61 64
General 67 72
Technological/Vocational 51 40
Source: CBS Education and Culture, Selected Data
3.3. Matriculation Levels
In 10th grade, a gap in the math level between girls and boys becomes
evident. Statistics show that in 1985 there was more than a 2:1 ratio of boys
to girls in the five point math matriculation level. By 1992 there were no
drastic changes in these results, but the ratio was reduced to slightly less
than 2:1 (Amit 1993). It is essential to note that researchers show that the
achievements of the girls before the division into levels, which is done in
the 10th grade, are equal to or greater than the boy's achievements, and the
gap is created only following the segregation into levels. Thus, girls tend to
choose a matriculation level below their true abilities (Rom 1993).
Researchers believe that the differences and gaps in the professions, levels,
and achievements of the sexes are a direct result of the tracking system
(Amit, Movshovitz- Hadar 1989). The tracking may limit one's access to
certain areas in higher education and therefore effect the profession one will
chose. Thus, many researchers contend that the tracking system only helps to
amplify the inequality.
Table 5 - Matriculation Examinees, and Percent Entitled to Certificate, by
Subject
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
It is evident in the above table that approximately 2/3 of all matriculation
examinees are girls, and that a higher percentage of girls have passed their
matriculation exams. The table also illustrates that a higher percentage of
male examinees took the matriculation exam with two or more scientific
subjects, while a higher percentage of female examinees took the exam with two
or more humanities subjects.
3.4. Education Rates, Attendance Rates and Drop-Out Rates
Among the non-Jewish population, there has been a drastic decrease in the
educational gap between the sexes. While in 1949, girls made up only 18.6% of
the students in elementary schools, by 1979 they made up 46.9% of the
students. However, in comparison to the Jews, non-Jewish education is still
low. In 1995, the median educational rate among the Jewish population aged 15
and over was 12.2 years, as opposed to 10.2 years among the non-Jewish
population. Jewish men's median educational rate was 12.3, a little higher
than the Jewish women's rate of 12.2. Arab men's median educational rate was
10.6, quite a bit higher than the Arab women's rate of 9.7. However, among
Arab youth the gap between the education level of boys and girls is
diminishing. Statistics show that among Arab girls ages 15-17 the median
educational rate in 1995 was even higher than that of Arab boys of the same
age group, 10.6 years among the girls compared to 10.5 among the boys. The
median rate among the 18-24 years old in the Arab sector was the same for men
and women (11.6), and only among the older population group is the gap between
men and women visible. Approximately 95% of the non-Jewish communities in
Israel finish at least 8 years of education. The gap between the sexes that
existed in Arab education has been bridged, and surprisingly enough Arab girls
currently have a higher attendance rate (see table below).
As of the school year 1994/95, the attendance rates of 14-17 year olds in
Jewish education revealed that 92.6% of boys and 99.6% of girls were
continuing their education. Such post-elementary school attendance rates have
increased dramatically within the past years, yet the gap between the sexes
has remained steady. As of 1994/95, the attendance rates of 14-17 year olds
in Arab education revealed that 65.7% of boys and 69.2% of girls were
continuing their education. This trend of continuing education is apparent
through decreasing dropout rates. In Jewish education, there has been a
decrease in the dropout rates from 20.4% in 1971/72 to 5.5% in 1991/92. In
Arab education, drop-out rates have fallen from 25.3% in 1971/72 to 14% in
1991/92. There is, however, a problem with determining the dropout rate since
there are no official statistics taken by the Ministry. It should be noted
that the statistical data here is based on the amount of students that
register for school, not the actual attendance rate.
Table 6 - Attendance Rates of 14-17 Year Olds, by Type of School and Religion
Rates per 1000 in respective group of population
Girls Boys Total
Hebrew Education
1969/70 707 631 668
1979/80 865 729 795
1989/90 957 855 905
1993/94 981 909 944
1994/95 Total 996 926 959
Primary Education 23 28 25
Post-Primary Education
Intermediate Schools 177 180 178
Secondary Schools- Total 796 718 756
General 459 336 396
Technological/Vocational 337 382 360
Arab Education
1993/94 675 652 664
1994/95 Total 692 657 673
Primary Education 19 22 20
Post-Primary Education
Intermediate Schools 153 163 158
Secondary Schools- Total 520 472 495
General 404 341 372
Technological/Vocational 116 131 123
Source: CBS, SAI 1996
4. Talented and Gifted Children
The Minister of Education and Culture created a special Department to deal
specifically with gifted children. The Ministry's express goal is to provide
educational opportunities for gifted children which are suited to their
special talents and skills, while adhering to the values of democracy and
equality inherent in Israeli society. Some of the Department's activities
include: testing gifted children throughout the country, establishing unique
enrichment programs, and providing for in-service training and seminars for
teachers of the gifted. The Ministry of Education's data, depicts a 2:1 ratio
of boys to girls in the programs for gifted children. This ratio, calculated
in both 1992 and 1996, has remained constant. The Ministry claims that this
2:1 ratio, also exists throughout the world and in professional literature.
5. Classroom Interaction and Teacher- Student Relationships
Classroom dynamics are important factors in the assessment of gender
differences in the education system. Researchers state that teachers relate
differently towards boys and girls, often unconsciously, and are more
attentive to male students. This can be partly attributed to the fact that
behavioral problems are more common among boys. Yet the message conveyed to
girls is "to continue being cute and quiet," while the message to boys is "to
try harder and improve" (Avrahami-Ainat 1989). In addition, these low
expectations from girls lead to self fulfilling prophesies.
6. Activities and Educational Programs Adopted by the Ministry of
Education
in Order to Prevent Discrimination
6.1. Gender Stereotypes Within School Books
Research conducted on messages conveyed in school-books, from 1989-1992
examined books from various subjects and intended for different age groups.
The study revealed that women are depicted as being emotionally unstable,
overly concerned with their appearance, weak, lacking personality, ignorant,
jealous, disloyal, dependent, overly inquisitive, and as failing to contribute
to society. These characteristics create negative stereotypes of women. In
addition, men are mentioned in school books three times as often as women.
In 1993, in an attempt to combat sexist stereotypes, the Ministry of
Education, Culture and Sport issued a new list of criteria for school books.
Among these criteria are: 1) since Hebrew is a gender-specific language,
grammar forms should be used in order to avoid being exclusive; 2)
effort should be made to combat occupational stereotypes in textbooks and to
prevent new stereotypes from being created; 3) it is important to stress that
the choice of professions is open to everyone based on their individual
strengths, abilities and talents, without discrimination on the basis of
gender; 4) books must include equal use of descriptive character traits, so
that a specific characteristic is not used exclusively for either men or
women; 5) the activities and achievements of women should be described along
side those of men; and 6) equality must be conveyed through the writing style;
for example by not always referring to teachers in the feminine form.
Some critics of the education system point out that although the Ministry of
Education has created a list of "rules" for improving the current situation,
it must continue to act. These critics believe it is essential that: 1) the
Ministry of Education carefully examines all the books they publish and
concern itself with the content of privately published school books; 2) it is
necessary to educate teachers about the existing sexist messages in school
books, and to equip them with tools to deal with social messages that contrast
with the goals of education and of an enlightened society; and 3) women's
involvement in the Ministry of Education, especially at the higher levels may
help the next generation create a society in which there is more equality
between the sexes.
6.2. Other Instructions and Intervention Programs of the Ministry of
Education Which Aim to Prevent Discrimination
In addition to these concentrated efforts on the specific problem of
stereotypical images in school books, the Ministry has acted in a variety of
ways in order to eliminate and prevent gender discrimination. One such form of
action is through issuing internal instructions and guidelines, such as those
issued in 1986, in which the Ministry instructed nursery teachers to contain
themselves from pressuring boys to act masculine or girls to act feminine.
There are also stipulations set out by the Ministry of Education in 1987, that
currently guide girls to learn in technological schools, where in the past
these schools were only for boys. This is partly implemented through
cooperation with private educational initiatives, such as the Na'aleh Project.
Na'aleh, an intervention program carried out in some upper and middle
schools, allows for female students, parents, and school staff to work
together and make careful decisions about studying sciences, such as math,
physics, chemistry, and computers. These decisions include helping students
decide which level matriculation exam is appropriate for them, and helping
students choose a future profession. The program aims to increase the number
of female students studying the sciences on a high level and to influence
girls to study math on the five point (highest) matriculation level.
As a result of a report written following a one day seminar on equality within
the education system, which was organized and written by the Israel Women's
Network in 1993, the Minister of education created a budget of resources and
declared in the Knesset in 1995 a policy for the advancement of equal
opportunity between the sexes in education. As part of the new policy, the
Minister appointed a Supervisor on Equality between the Sexes within the
Ministry of Education. A steering committee of the Israel Women's Network
that consists of experts from different areas of education works together with
the Supervisor to offer advice and provide support. One of the Supervisor's
main activities so far has been the publication of a reader titled "A Gender
Found Its Equality", which includes many articles, reform programs, and
research findings on the issue of gender equality in education (Segen 1995).
Other activities of the Ministry under the initiative of the Supervisor
include: 1) building a training program for teachers; 2) establishing seminars
to create awareness of the problem; 3) teaching children's magazines to be
careful of hidden messages they might convey; 4) checking school books and
curriculums; sending reports from time to time to the general administrator;
5) creating a connection with women's organizations in Israel; 6) establishing
seminars for different audiences (teachers, advisors, administrators); and 7)
coordinating activities with the educational television, academic institutions
and local councils interested in the advancement of women.
The Ministry's plans for the future include, an experimental project known as
"Equality 2000." Initiated by the Israel Women's Network, this project is a
three year long intervention program which will be carried out within 5
different middle schools. While the execution of the program will be
undertaken by the Ministry, the Network's steering Committee will also be
involved. The project will involve 10-15 teachers within each school, who
will be specifically trained to deal with issues of gender-equality.
"Equality 2000" contains elements of both a research project and an active
intervention program; it is meant to bring about change in the attitudes and
behavior of teachers, advisors, administrators, students and parents regarding
gender equality.
In addition, a number of books have been published recently by Israeli
academic women, regarding gender equality in education. For example Her and
Him in Class by Avrahami-Ainat, published in 1989, provides the teacher with
important information, and suggests curriculums and activities aimed at
creating equality.
6.3. Young Leadership Programs in Schools
The position of girls in programs that cultivate young leadership seems to be
at least equal, if not better to that of boys. In every school there are
elections for a student council. Generally, representatives are chosen from
each class. The Ministry's statistics depict a slightly higher number of girls
chosen from eighth grade and above. Every school sends representatives to
the local council. This council is composed of representatives from schools,
community centers, youth groups, and different organizations. The national
council which is made up of 40 representatives from all sectors of society:
religious, secular, Druze, Arab, Bedouin; is currently headed by a girl,
although the majority of the representatives are currently boys. In addition,
three out of the four committees within the national council are currently
headed by girls.
7. Sex Education and Education on Family Life
In 1987 the Ministry of Education stated that a program on sex education and
education on family life is mandatory from first to twelfth grade. In
elementary school children are taught the meaning of being a girl or boy and
their respective roles in the family. In middle and high-schools the Ministry
tries to convey awareness, understanding and knowledge of the meaning of
force, being taken advantage of, and violence, as forbidden forms of
relationships within family and outside of it. The basic view of the
educational system is that sex education should not just include education on
the physical aspects of sex, but rather it should also include information on
the emotional and social aspects. The program concentrates on the following
topics: physical development, body image, sexual identity,
femininity/masculinity and equality between the sexes, family, reproduction,
interpersonal and couple's relationships, and sexual health.
8. The State Religious Education
When discussing the values that the Israeli educational system wishes to
promote among its students, the differentiation between the various streams
within the State educational system should be noted. Specifically, it should
be understood that the State-Religious education (SRE) stream is free to
establish values and norms that guide its operation. According to estimates,
21% of Jewish students belong to the SRE stream, or approximately 235,000
children, 50% of whom are girls. Most SRE schools are segregated, with
separate classes, often in separate schools for boys and girls. The
Administrator of the SRE estimates that, in the elementary level, 35% of the
classes are separate, and in the high-school level, 90% of the classes are
separate. The Administrator claims that the budget allocated to girls'
schools is the same as the budget allocated to boys' schools.
9. Teachers
9.1. Teaching- as a Feminine Profession
The teaching profession in Israel is composed primarily of women. As of
1992-93, more than 75% of all the teachers in Israel were women. Among Arabs
however, the gap between the sexes within the teaching profession is
considerably smaller. Furthermore as the level of the educational institution
increases the female majority of teachers decreases. This is illustrated
through the following 1993 statistics. in 1993, women made up 90.4% of
teachers in Hebrew elementary schools and 53% of teachers within Arab
elementary schools. In post- elementary schools women made up 70.2% of
teachers in Hebrew schools and 29% in Arab schools. These post-elementary
schools can be divided into middle school and upper school. Within middle
schools 76% of the teachers in Hebrew education and 32% of the teachers in
Arab education are women. In high schools, 62% of teachers in Hebrew
education and 26% in Arab education are women. The percentage of women
teachers has been steadily increasing throughout the past years.
Chart 2 -Increase of Women Teachers in Elementary Schools
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Chart 3 -Increase of Women Teachers in Secondary Schools
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Dr. Hertzog, CBS
Table 7 - Number of Teachers, by Years
Source: CBS, SAI 1996
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Table 8 - Number of Teachers, by Type of School
Source: CBS, Ministry of Education, Culture, and Survey of Teaching Staff,
1992/3
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Table 9 - Teachers by Subject
Jewish Arab
Primary School
Subject Total %Women Total %Women
History 318 84.5 284 23.4
Bible 1,454 74.4
Talmud 1,429 39.5
Hebrew Language 608 36.1
Hebrew Literature 919 96.9 154 32.7
English 2,116 95.4 548 53.8
Arabic 1,453 50.2
General Teaching 16,545 94.6 1,699 69.1
Nature 1,872 92.3 524 34.8
Mathematics 3,273 89.5 1,130 47.3
Computers 569 84.4 92 39.8
Shop/Arts/Crafts 1,569 93.2 188 86.5
Physical Education 1,828 67 309 13.8
Jewish Arab
Middle School
Subject Total %Women Total %Women
History 1,072 75.8 118 25.6
Bible 1,599 74
Talmud 1,221 42.5
Islamic Culture 165 26.7
Hebrew Literature 1,466 93.5 187 25.7
English 1,746 89.3 315 45.5
Biology 1,054 86.4 131 45.8
Chemistry 159 77.3 71 31
Mathematics 1,963 76.1 391 25.6
Physics 529 63.4 84 32.1
Computers 290 67.1 63 30.2
Electronics 59 15.3 5
Accounting 28 76
Jewish Arab
High School
Subject Total %Women Total %Women
History 1,490 64.9 140 10.9
Bible 2,203 68.5
Talmud 874 28.3
Islamic Culture 72 15.3
Hebrew Literature 1,811 87.8 141 90.3
English 2,174 84.9 281 48.9
Biology 1,071 78.8 164 27.4
Chemistry 667 79.9 128 19.7
Mathematics 2,200 65.8 310 20.8
Physics 840 40.3 135 10.8
Computers 379 67.6 72 16.9
Electronics 72 18.3 7 0
Accounting 86 87.2
Source: CBS
9.2. Teacher's Salaries
Inequality exists in the salary levels of men and women working within the
educational system. Statistics reflect this relative inequality among the
teaching staff. Recent data supplied by the Treasury Ministry regarding
teachers' salaries who are employed by the Ministry of Education for full-time
work reveals that overall, women earn on average 87% of men's salaries.
The table below which details the number of teachers in each salary level,
further illustrates the differences in the salaries of men and women within
the educational system.
Table 10- Salary Levels
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
9.3. Administrative Positions.
The number of men working in educational institutions increases with the level
of the position. Relative to men, there are many more women who have
acquired Master and Doctorate degrees, yet who still work in
non-administrative positions within the educational system (Hertzog).
Table 11- Teaching and Administrative Positions
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
The number of men teaching in religious educational institutions is greater
than that in secular institutions. In institutions that are more
gender-segregated or that are independent (Arab or religious) men hold more
teaching positions. Furthermore, men hold a large number of administrative
positions within these schools.
Table 12- Teaching and Administrative Positions in Arab Schools
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
The number of women currently studying to be teachers illustrates the fact
that this trend is unlikely to change in the near future.
Table 13- Teacher Training Colleges
1969/70 1979/80 1984/85 1989/90 1994/95 1995/96
Hebrew Education
Total Students 4,994 11,285 12,482 12,333 18,380 20,003
%Men 13.9 10.3 15.7 16.6 16.3 15.9
%Women 86.1 89.7 84.3 83.4 83.7 84.1
Hebrew Education
Total Students 370 485 423 576 1,193 1,598
%Men 46.9 45.2 49.9 22.9 16.2 12.9
%Women 53.1 54.8 50.1 77.1 83.8 87.1
Source: CBS, SAI 1996
10. Physical Education and Sports
The Sports Law-1988 provides for equality within sports and physical
education. Section 10B of this law requires that the regulations of a sports
union or association include statements concerning the equal opportunity of
women to sports and physical education.
In Israel, girls make up 21% of all those involved in competitive sports. In
countries throughout Western Europe 35%-40% of competitive athletes are women.
Within athletic institutions and organizations in Israel, there are almost no
women in senior positions, despite the fact that many female students
graduate from physical education colleges. Only 5% of the administrators of
sports unions are women, and between 10%-15% of coaches are women. In regard
to competitive sports, women's teams receive a coverage of 5% relative to
men's competitions.
In 1993, the Dekel Committee which was established by the Ministry of
Education, Culture and Sport as the committee for the advancement and
development of physical education and sport in both formal and informal
education within Israel, presented its recommendations. The committee
requested the establishment of a sub-committee for the special purpose of
examining and improving the situation of women's sports. The sub-committee
suggested that a special unit for the advancement of physical education and
sport for girls and women should be established. The special unit for the
advancement of women in sport, recommended by the sub-committee, was
established in 1994 in accordance with the new policies of Deputy Minister of
Education Culture and Sport. The purpose of the unit includes increasing the
number of women involved in different branches of competitive sports, the
number of women coaches, and the amount of women as decision making
administrators. Furthermore this unit intends to initiate a program to widen
the knowledge and research on girls and women in sport. The unit decided that
there was no need for formal legislation and that the legislative situation
for equality in sports was sufficient as a result of the Sports Law-1988 and
the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against
Women.
In addition, the sub-committee decided to adopt policies of affirmative action
in order to increase the amount of female participation in competitive sports.
This sub-committee has also created a list of instructions which it plans to
enforce within the education system. For example, a school will only be
allowed to participate in sports competitions on the condition that 40% of the
students involved are girls. Furthermore, if a school does not have a minimum
participation of 30% girls on their selected sports team, they will not
receive financial aid or be allowed to participate in competitions. It is also
recommended that school administrators develop programs that make teachers,
parents and students, aware of the importance of the involvement of girls in
sports and the importance of equal opportunities in physical education and
sport. Administrators can accomplish this goal by creating programs
encouraging girls' involvement in sports such as training seminars, special
sports days and events, and meetings with outstanding female athletes.
Recommendations to elementary schools and middle schools include requiring
sport classes to consist of at least 40% girls. Recommendations for high
schools include the equal distribution of resources such as convenient times
for competitions, uniforms and equipment. There should also be a program
parallel to that of the boys which prepare girls to be physically fit for the
army.
The sub-committee stresses: 1) the importance of programs in teachers'
training colleges that create awareness of the need for equality in sports
and physical education; 2) the inclusion of programs for the advancement of
female graduates of such teaching training colleges to administrative
positions in the physical education system; 3) the encouragement of these
graduates to belong to Israeli and international unions that promote the
advancement of physical education and sports for women; 4) the involvement
in supervising post-high school programs, such as rewarding exceptional
female athletes with scholarships; and 5) the belief that they must involve
the media to help change popular attitudes towards women in sport..
Until 1996 the following activities had been executed in order to improve the
situation of women in sports. The Ministry of Education and Sport established
a union of sports among the schools. The union includes a budget that is
favorable towards the women's teams. Within the budgeting of the sports
authority, there is an equal distribution of the total amount of money spent
on sports for men and women, while for competitive sports, 50% more money is
spent on women's teams. These extra funds are part of an affirmative action
policy to improve the current discrimination
Furthermore, in 1995 Israel adopted the 1994 Brighton Declaration, which
states that every effort should be made by State and government machineries to
ensure that institutions and organizations responsible for sport comply with
the equality provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women.
In Israel, in addition to the funding from local municipalities and the
Ministry, much of the funding used to encourage and support sports is acquired
through the lottery. The Committee involved in the division of this money
recommends that there should be no discrimination in the division of funds,
and that women's sports should be equally supported. As a result, changes took
place in the monetary division of the lottery funding within basketball.
Where in 1994 the men's national budget was double that of women's, according
to the new directives the budget would be equal.
Supplementing these developments, there has been some litigation in this area.
In The Basketball Union of Israel v. L.C.N. For the Advancement of Basketball
for Women, there was a discussion on the discriminatory regulations of the
union of basketball in Israel. These regulations state that while the men's
national league is allowed to sign foreign players, the women's league is not.
Furthermore, the men's team is allowed to spend more money than the woman's
team. The District Court invalidated the discriminatory sections of the
regulations because they were against public policy and in contradiction to
section 10 of The Sports Law-1988 (see introduction to physical education).
The Israeli Basketball union appealed to the Supreme court, which accepted
their appeal on formal grounds without dealing directly with the issue. The
internal court within the sports union later accepted the claim of
discrimination.
Recently, one of the leading women's national basketball team, turned to the
High Court of Justice because they were receiving half the amount of funding
as the men's team. The court decided to establish a nation-wide committee
which would create tests and criteria on the issue of a local municipality's
monetary support to sports groups so that there will be equality between male
and female sports teams.
11. Higher Education
11.1. Women as Students
11.1.1. Opportunities
Everyone, regardless of gender, has the same opportunity to study any subject,
or major in whatever they wish, at the level of higher education.
Opportunities are limited to the extent that certain departments have
prerequisites which require students to have taken high level math or science
matriculation exams. As discussed earlier, many girls do not sign up for
these high level classes and as a result are limited in their choice of
subjects in higher education.
11.1.2. Percentages of University Students and Graduates
In 1995, statistics showed that 55% of undergraduate students in Israel are
women. This favorable majority of women within higher education is only
matched by France, in which the female percentage in higher education slightly
exceeds that of Israel. In addition, over 50% of all graduate students in
Israel are women. This percentage exceeds that of all countries except the
United States where the percentages are basically equal to those in Israel.
The percentage of women among university degree recipients is similar to their
share in the total number of students, and women participate equally in the
higher education system overall. In addition, it must be noted that among the
students receiving third degrees, women number less than half. In 1992/93,
women accounted for 56.2% of all undergraduate students, 53.6% of master's
degree students, and 43.8% of doctoral students.
Table 14 - Students in Universities, by Degree and Subject
Source: CBS, SAI 1996
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Table 15- Students in Universities
Source: CBS, SAI 1996
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
The following two tables provide data on the recipients of degrees: The first
provides the numerical progression of women students throughout the years in
absolute numbers.
Table 16- Recipients of Degrees From Universities
Source: Council for Higher Education, Planning and Budgeting Committee
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
The second table shows the breakdown of degrees earned by subject and level.
Here too it is apparent that women concentrate in certain topics, such as
humanities, and are less likely to enter fields such as Business and
Mathematics / Computers.
Table 17- Women Recipients of University Degrees, by Fields of Study 1992/93
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Other statistics show that women make up a large majority of those studying
health care (93%) and studying to be teachers (84%), but are underrepresented
in the technological fields (20%). Their presence in the humanities is high
(71.4%), while only 13.3% of those studying to become engineers and
archaeologists are women. Statistics further demonstrate that there is
approximately equal numbers of men and woman studying medicine (46% women),
law (46% women), and the social sciences (59% women).
11.2. Average Age at Which Students Receive Each Degree
The next two tables show the number of students in university by median age,
and the percentage of students aged 20-29 enrolled in universities. Women
prove to be generally younger than men when receiving their bachelor's
degrees, 26.0 versus 27.6, mainly due to the fact that their mandatory army
service is one year shorter than that of their male counterparts. For master's
degrees, however, the median age for women is virtually identical to that for
men, and for doctoral degrees, the median age for men (35.7) is a year lower
than that for women (36.7).
Table 18- Median Age of Recipients of Degrees, 1989/90
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Although in the past, the percentage of men aged 20-29 enrolled in university
was higher than the percentage of women, by the mid-1980's the numbers were
approximately even, and by 1993, the percentage of women surpassed that of the
men, with more than 10% of that population group enrolled in university.
Table 19- Enrollment in Universities
percents of ages 20-29 in the Jewish population
1964/65 1969/70 1974/75 1984/85 1989/90 1992/93
Total 3.8 6.3 7.2 7.6 8 8.9
Men 5.4 7 8 7.5 7.3 7.8
Women 2.8 5.6 6.3 7.6 8.7 10.1
11.3. Non-University Higher Education
Aside from Government Universities, a number of alternative institutions of
higher education, and institutions which grant diplomas other than bachelor's,
master's and doctorate degrees exist in Israel. The following table shows the
number of men and women students earning their first degrees in such
institutions in 1996, and their breakdown by various fields. Once again, while
women make up more than half of the total students, it is apparent that there
are certain professions preferred by each sex.
Table 20- First Degree Students in Non-University Institutions for Higher
Learning
Year/Subject Total Men Women %Women
1995/96- Total 23,747 8,582 15,165 64%
Teacher Training 10,781 1,364 9,417 87%
Technology Sciences 2,497 1,894 603 24%
Economics and Business
Administration 4,923 3,299 1,624 33%
Arts Design and Architecture 2,201 790 1,411 64%
Law 973 409 564 58%
Communication 1,032 341 691 67%
Social Sciences 1,340 485 855 64%
Source: CBS, SAI 1996
11.4. Minorities in Higher Education
Among non-Jewish communities in Israel, the amount of female students
decreases as the educational level increases. The gap between men and women
who pursue post-secondary degrees, which is relatively small among Jews, is
rather large among other communities. More than three times the number of
men receive higher education.
11/5. Women in the Academic Staff
11.5.1. Percentage of Women Among the Academic Staff
As of 1992/93, women represented approximately 20% of senior academic staff
financed by the Council for Higher Education budget, while in 1978/79 women
represented only 16%. There is clearly an increase in the number of women
across the ranks, but as the rank increases, the percentage of women at a
given rank decreases.
The following table shows the number of women at each academic staff level,
and the percentage they comprise of the total. The graph illustrates that the
highest percentage women have attained is 33.9 in the humanities. And among
those positions attained, the majority are of the lowest rank, that of
Lecturer; while the percentages of women who are "full professor" are the
lowest of all.
Chart 4 - Women on Senior Academic Staff, by Subject
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Table 21- Women on Senior Academic Staff, by Subject and Rank
R A N K
Senior Associate Full
Field Total Lecturer Lecturer Professor Professor
Absolute Numbers
Total 842 236 352 161 92
Humanities 412 127 199 63 23
Social Sciences 121 46 52 15 8
Law 16 4 1 6 4
Medicine 105 26 39 25 15
Mathematics, Stst.
& Computers 23 4 10 5 4
Physical Sciences 32 3 6 15 8
Biological Sciences 70 7 23 18 21
Agriculture 7 3 3 1 1
Engineering and Architecture 37 7 12 12 6
Other 21 9 8 2 2
Percentage of Total Staff
Total 20 36.6 30 14.2 7.3
Humanities 33.9 50 40.5 23.1 11.4
Social Sciences 18.4 30.4 27.1 8.1 5.9
Law 19.1 29.6 7 24.5 15.2
Medicine 30.8 56.6 45.1 22.1 15.7
Mathematics, Stst.
& Computers 6.6 10.4 13.5 6.1 2.6
Physical Sciences 6.1 10.5 7.2 10.9 2.9
Biological Sciences 19.2 27.3 31.3 14.5 15.3
Agriculture 7.2 15.5 15.6 2.9 2.5
Engineering and Architecture 7.7 14.6 11 7.9 3.4
Other 18.1 35.9 21.6 6.7 8.5
Source: Council For Higher Education, Planning and Budgeting Council
This next graph shows the progression of women attaining the ranks of
lecturer, senior lecturer, associate professor, and full professor. The
numbers have been increasing, but only slightly. Between 1991/92 and 1992/93,
the percentage of women granted full professorship did not increase, and the
total number of women in this category is still extremely low.
Chart 5 -- Percentage of Women Among Senior Staff
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Council for Higher Planning
11.6 Percentages of Women in Various Departments
A study of the influences on the division by gender between academic
departments in Israel demonstrates that as the age of the department increases
so do the chances of finding women professors in that department. This study
also shows that the growth of the number of women in a department will
increase their power, which influences their chances to reach the level of
Professor.
11.7 Activities to Improve the Situation
Women's under-representation in higher education, especially in senior ranks,
has begun to draw attention in the past few years. The Knesset Committee on
the Status of Women dedicated several sessions to discuss the problem, and has
urged the various institutes of higher education to appoint special internal
Advisors on the status of women.
12. Adult Education
The activities that the Ministry of Education began through the department of
adult education include: 1) the absorption of immigrants through assistance in
language; 2) cultural absorption; 3) assisting immigrants in their roles as
parents and workers in society; 4) enabling the elderly the opportunity to
receive elementary and high-school education; 5) providing education as a
means of personal development and professional advancement; and 6) opening a
center for educational enrichment and continuous learning throughout ones
lifetime. In addition, there are activities geared towards parents which
help provide them with tools to deal with life changes. In 1996 alone,
approximately 162,621 adults will have participated in the different
activities provided for by this branch of the Ministry of Education.
In certain areas of adult education, the percentage of women is particularly
high. These include the schools for Hebrew language. In the field of general
education, a program called "Tehila" serves all citizens who are illiterate,
or have not completed their elementary education. The program strives to
provide basic tools such as reading, writing, and comprehension.
Approximately 90% of those studying in "Tehila" are women. There is also a
program which provides a high school education for adults. The average age of
those studying are 35, and 70% of the students are women. The department of
adult education also provides enrichment programs where scientific,
professional and artistic subjects are studied on high levels. These
activities are intended to enrich ones education and provides one with the
opportunity to develop hobbies and artistic skills. Out of the 35,000
students involved in these activities, approximately 70% are women.
ARTICLE 11 Employment
1. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate
discrimination against women in the field of employment in order to insure, on
a basis of equality of men and women, the same rights, in particular:
a) The right to work as an inalienable right of all human beings;
b) The right to the same employment opportunities, including the application
of the same criteria for selection in matters of employment;
c) The right to free choice of profession and employment, the right to
promotion, job security, and all benefits and conditions of service and the
right to receive vocational training and retraining, including
apprenticeships, advanced vocational training and recurrent training;
d) The right to equal remuneration, including benefits and to equal treatment
in respect of work of equal value, as well as equality of treatment in the
evaluation of the quality of work;
e) The right to social security, particularly in cases of retirement,
unemployment, sickness, invalidity and old-age, and other incapacity to work,
as well as the right to paid leave;
f) The right to protection of health and to safety in working conditions,
including the safeguarding of the function of reproduction.
2. In order to prevent discrimination against women on the grounds of marriage
or maternity and to insure their effective right to work, States Parties shall
take appropriate measures:
a) To prohibit, subject to the imposition of sanctions, dismissal on the
grounds of pregnancy or of maternity leave and discrimination in dismissals on
the basis of marital status;
b) To introduce maternity leave with pay or with comparable social benefits
without loss of former employment, seniority or social allowances;
c) To encourage the provision of the necessary supporting social services to
enable parents to combine family obligations with work responsibilities and
participation in public life, in particular through promoting the
establishment and development of a network of childcare facilities;
d) To provide special protection to women during pregnancy in types of work
proved to be harmful to them.
3. Protective legislation relating to matters covered in this article shall be
reviewed periodically in light of scientific and technological knowledge and
shall be revised, repealed or extended as necessary.
1. Legislative Measures
1.1Protections Against Discrimination
Until the end of the 1980's, there were few laws which specifically dealt with
matters of gender equality in the workplace. The Equal Pay (Male and Female
Employees) Law-1964 (since replaced in 1996) was perhaps the most important
piece of legislation which addressed discrimination in the workplace. Its
provisions were far from exhaustive, the law simply demanded that male and
female workers receive comparable pay for comparable work. A more general
condemnation of discrimination against women could be found in the Women's
Equal Rights Law-1951, which, while not dealing explicitly with labor-related
issues, demanded that "one law apply to men and women regarding every legal
action." Although lacking the constitutional status of a "Basic Law," the
Supreme Court has construed it as containing norms of a constitutional nature,
and has held that, where possible, other laws should be interpreted so as to
conform to its provisions.
This lack of legislative activity, combined with the fact that the few laws
which were enacted failed to provide serious remedies or enforcement tools,
resulted in a parallel lack of litigation.
In 1987, the Equal Retirement Age (Male and Female Employees) Law-1987 was
enacted, prohibiting employers from forcing early retirement on women workers.
The Equal Employment Opportunities Law-1988 prohibits discrimination in the
workplace, based on gender, sexual orientation, marital status, parenthood,
race, age, religion, nationality, country of birth, political or other
orientation. Neither governmental nor private employers may take the above
classifications into account in determining hiring, promotion, termination of
employment, training, or work and retirement conditions of employees, except
in special cases where the unique nature of the position makes these
classifications relevant. Protections offered to women employees which take
into account their special needs as women or mothers are not to be considered
discriminatory, although the law specifies that any such rights offered to
working mothers must equally be given to men who either have sole custody of
their children, or whose wives work and have chosen not to make use of these
provisions.
The law recognizes sexual harassment as a form of discrimination in the
workplace subject to civil and criminal sanctions, and, although it provides a
narrow definition of harassment and fails to address the issue of hostile
working environments, it forbids employers from penalizing employees or job
candidates in any manner for refusal to accept proposals or advances of a
sexual nature. A 1995 amendment to the law has placed the burden of proof
upon the employer in civil sexual harassment suits; where an employee has
proven refusal of a sexual advance, the employer must then prove that there
has been no violation of the law (i.e. that the employee has not been
penalized in any manner). While, as noted, the other provisions of the law
are limited to those employers who employ more than 5 workers, the provision
forbidding sexual harassment applies to all employers.
Violation of the primary provisions of the law constitutes a criminal offense,
punishable by fine. Unlike its 1981 predecessor, however, which merely
criminalized discrimination, the law offers the worker whose rights have been
violated access to civil remedies as well. Exclusive jurisdiction over civil
disputes which arise under the law is given to the Labor Courts, and despite
the fact that Israeli contract law generally prefers the remedy of
compensation over interfering in employee-employer relationships, the Court is
specifically authorized by the law to grant enforcement injunctions in cases
where mere compensation would not serve the cause of justice. The statute of
limitations on civil suits under this law is 12 months. Workers may also file
a complaint against their employer in the Woman's Employment and Status Branch
of the Ministry of Labor and Welfare.
In civil suits according to the law, the burden of proof is generally placed
on the employer. In cases relating to advancement or work conditions, the
employer must demonstrate that where specific requirements for the above
matters exist, and where the employee has fulfilled these requirements, the
employer has not violated the law in denying the relevant benefit. Where
termination of employment is concerned, once the worker shows that there has
been nothing in his/her action or behavior to justify termination, the
employer must prove that he/she has not violated the law in firing the worker.
The court may order that proceedings relating to sexual harassment or to
discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation be held in closed chambers.
An explicit provision of the law seeks to ensure that workers who file
complaints or who assist others in doing so may not be penalized by the
employer.
The issue of sexual harassment in the civil service is also dealt with in the
Civil Service Code. Sexual harassment had been proscribed as a disciplinary
offense in a 1990 supplement to the Civil Service Code. Its definition then
was already broader than the definition in the Equal Employment Opportunities
Law-1988. The Code's definition related to any act with the characteristics
of a sexual act, including speech or insinuation. Furthermore, it did not
limit its application to circumstances involving supervisors and their
workers, and covered a range of acts between co-workers as well. With respect
to sexual harassment between supervisors and workers, the Code specified that
the worker's consent was irrelevant, and that it did not matter whether it was
the worker or the supervisor who initiated communication of a sexual nature.
A 1995 amendment to the Civil Service Code added the creation of a hostile
working environment to the definition sexual-harassment and provided for legal
and professional aid to the plaintiff. The amendment directs the employee to
turn to either the disciplinary superintendent or to the Supervisors on the
Status of Women in each ministry, and designates the General-Supervisor on the
Advancement of Women in the Civil Service, together with the Superintendent
over Discipline in the Civil Service, to handle all complaints regarding
sexual-harassment in the service. The amendment further obligates all
employees who suspect sexual-harassment to report their suspicion. It is
interesting to note that in a clarifying comment to this amendment, the
general-supervisor mentions the Convention as a supplementary source of the
government's obligation to eliminate discrimination against women.
The Equal Pay (Male and Female Employees) Law-1996 aims to further equality
and prevent gender-based discrimination in the area of work compensation.
Replacing a similar law from 1964, this new legislation expands protection
against discrimination by widening its definition, providing greater access to
remedies, and implementing the progressive notion of pay-equity. While the
1964 version of the law dealt merely with "salaries," the law now extends to
"all other forms of compensation," including benefits, additions, grants,
coverage of expenditures, car/telephone expenses, and overtime--all of which
previously served as "loopholes" for employers wishing to evade the spirit of
the law. While the law previously required employers to pay workers in
"essentially equal" positions at the same workplace equal salaries, today's
law extends its protection to positions at the same workplace that are "equal
in value." The law specifies that two jobs are considered of equal value,
even if they differ from one another, to the extent that they demand equal
qualifications, effort, expertise, and responsibility. Any deviation from
this standard of equality requires the employer to prove that
non-gender-related circumstances justify this deviation.
Exclusive jurisdiction over disputes arising under this law is given to the
Labor Courts, which are authorized to appoint court experts to evaluate
whether positions under dispute are in fact of equal value. The costs of the
evaluation are generally covered by the litigants; in recognition, however, of
the fact that such costs often deter potential complainants, the law
authorizes the court to decide--under special circumstances--that the State
cover the cost of the evaluation. Employees who are found to have been
underpaid according to this law may sue for up to twenty-four months' back
wages.
Suits may be filed either by the employee, the representative organization of
employees, or--with the worker's consent--an organization dealing with women's
rights. Class-action suits may also be filed by one worker whose rights have
been violated on behalf of a number of such workers, an option that is rare in
the Israeli legal system. The court is given broad powers to allow statements
to be made by various non-parties to the dispute, including women's rights
groups, other employees who may be harmed by the suit, etc. Employee's rights
according to this law may not be forfeited, nor may conditions be attached to
them. Additionally, benefits granted to workers for pregnancy or parenthood
are not taken into account for the purposes of this law.
2. Women's Health and Employment
The Employment of Women Law-1954 authorizes the Minister of Labor and Welfare
to regulate the employment of women in positions or fields that are uniquely
dangerous to a woman's health or that are hazardous to her reproductive
capabilities. The Employment of Women Regulations (Exposure to Ionized
Radiation)-1979 differentiate between relatively low levels of exposure, which
require supervision for all women employees, and relatively high levels to
which women in their child-bearing years (defined as under 45) may not be
exposed at all. Women who work in supervised areas must immediately notify
employers of pregnancy, and once they have done so they may be exposed to far
lower levels of radiation. Employers are similarly required to take "all
reasonable measures necessary to maximally reduce the amount of exposure" in
workplaces where women are employed. The Employment of Women Regulations
(Forbidden and Restricted Jobs) apply solely to women under age 45 and forbid
their employment in situations where they may be exposed to certain amounts of
lead filings or vapors. They similarly regulate the exposure of pregnant and
nursing women to various substances, including benzene, benzol, arsenic and
compounds, and methyl mercury and its derivatives.
The Employment of Women Law-1954 additionally authorizes the Minister to
regulate the conditions deemed necessary to protect the safety and health of
women working at night. The regulations currently in force provide that women
must be given transportation to and from night employment where suitable
public transportation does not exist, and that women must be given hot drinks
and time to rest. Likewise, subject to a number of exceptions, employers may
not refuse to hire women workers who state that for family reasons, they are
unwilling to work nights.
3. Pregnancy and Maternity Leave
Pregnant workers, as well as those who have just given birth, are provided
with various legislated rights and protections, most of which are dealt with
in the Employment of Women Law-1954. A pregnant employee must notify her
employer of her condition by the fifth month of her pregnancy. From then on,
she may not be employed for overtime or more than six days a week, and may not
be required to work nights. A recently-proposed amendment to the law seeks to
allow pregnant women to decide for themselves whether or not to work overtime.
By the same token, pregnancy may not serve as grounds for termination of
employment.
3.1. Fertility Treatment and Medical Absences During Pregnancy
Both men and women are allowed to take leaves of absence, characterized as
sick leave, while undergoing fertility treatments. Likewise, pregnant women
are entitled to paid absences from work for routine medical examinations.
3.2. Maternity Leave
A mandatory twelve-week leave of absence may be taken by the pregnant woman at
any point after the middle of the seventh month of pregnancy. Under special
circumstances, including sickness, the birth of more than one child, or the
need for the baby's hospitalization, the leave may be extended. Until
November 1994, employees on maternity leave received merely 75% of their
missed pay from Social Security. Realizing that this constituted
discrimination against women, especially in light of the full compensation
given to men who miss work in order to fulfill their yearly military reserve
duty obligation, the Knesset amended the National Insurance Law in 1994 so as
to provide women with the full equivalent of their salaries. However, while
the 75% previously granted was not viewed as taxable income, the full
compensation now given is taxed as regular salary. The main practical
beneficiaries of the amendment are those women who need it most--poorer women
whose earnings are taxed according to lower tax brackets. Women insured by
National Insurance, and in certain instances home-makers whose husbands are
insured, are eligible to receive various other grants, as detailed under
Article 13 below. This provision, as well as the provision for unpaid leave
of absence, applies with the necessary changes to adoptive mothers. A 1996
proposed amendment to the Employment of Women Law-1954, seeks to offer fathers
the right to paid paternity leave so that couples may divide the twelve week
period among themselves.
3.2.1. High Risk Pregnancy Leave
A pregnant woman who receives medical confirmation of her inability to work
for a specified period may absent herself from work, without such absence
affecting her seniority rights. A recent amendment to the National Insurance
Law entitles women on high-risk pregnancy leave to receive the equivalent of
their salary from Social Security (as long it does not exceed 70% of the
average work force wage). Women's rights organizations, making the above
comparison to men's reserve duty obligations, are lobbying to further amend
this provision so as to provide for full compensation. According to the
National Insurance Law, it is preferable that the employee arrange with her
employer to work at home while on leave and thereby continue to receive her
regular salary directly from her employer.
3.2.2. Unpaid Leave of Absence
Mothers or fathers who have been employed by the same employer or at the same
workplace for at least two years may take an unpaid leave of absence of up to
twelve months following their maternity leave. The amount of leave they are
entitled to is dependent on how long they have been employed.
3.2.3. Permitted Absences Upon Return to Work
For four months following her maternity leave, a woman who works full-time may
absent herself from work for one hour each day, without such absence affecting
her salary.
3.2.4. Dismissal
Terminating the employment of a pregnant woman who has been working for the
same employer or at the same workplace for at least six months is illegal
without permission from the Minister of Labor and Welfare. Women on maternity
leave or on high-risk pregnancy sick leave may not be fired under any
circumstances, nor may they be given previous notice that their employment is
to be terminated during that time. Women who have chosen to take the unpaid
leave of absence discussed below may not be fired during their leave without
permission from the Minister.
4. Parenthood
In keeping with the requirements of the Equal Employment Opportunities
Law-1988 discussed above, the Employment of Women Law-1954 allows fathers
whose wives have been working for at least six months to take the unpaid leave
of absence instead of their spouse. This applies in like manner to fathers
who either have sole custody of the infant or whose wives are incapacitated.
This applies, with the necessary changes, to adoptive fathers. A 1995
proposed amendment to the Employment of Women Law seeks to entitle adoptive
fathers to a paid paternity leave in addition to the unpaid leave of absence.
Similarly, other laws which seek to protect the needs of parents allow parents
the freedom to choose which one of them will take advantage of the various
protections offered. For example, the Severance Pay Law provides that an
employee who quits his or her job during the first 9 months after childbirth,
in order to care for a child, is entitled to severance pay, as long as the
other parent has not done the same. According to the Sick Pay (Absence from
Work due to Child's Illness) Law-1993, parents may decide which one of them
will absent him/herself from work for a combined total of six days a year in
order to care for a child under the age of 16. According to the above Equal
Employment Opportunities Law-1988, any daycare services offered to mothers, or
daycare expenditures covered by employers, as well as any shortened work-days
or absences offered to mothers must also be offered to fathers.
5. Affirmative Action
See discussion under Article 4, below.
6. Social Security Benefits
6.1. The National Insurance Law (New Version)-1995
The definition of the term "housewife" in the National Insurance Law varies
according to the context in which it is used. Generally, however, a housewife
is defined as a married woman who is not employed outside of the home and is
therefore not obligated to pay Social Security. While married men are
obligated to pay Social Security whether or not they are employed, married
women must pay only if they are employed outside the home. Until 1995, a wife
who chose to stay home was not eligible for an old-age pension, unless she
chose to insure herself with voluntary insurance. In 1995, the National
Insurance Law was amended so as to include home-makers in their husband's
mandatory coverage, allowing them to receive the minimum old-age pension,
while still exempting them from contributions. Thus, the law now gives a
certain degree of recognition to the economic contribution of home-makers.
However, since "housewives" are still not considered as workers, they are not
eligible for income-replacement benefits, such as employment injuries
insurance, maternity allowance, unemployment benefits, and the like.
7. Taxes
As in other areas of Israeli law, significant progress towards achieving legal
recognition of women's equality has been made in recent years in the area of
tax law. The Tax Code as it was in effect upon the establishment of the State
viewed the married couple as a single unit for tax purposes, with regard to
the manner in which income was calculated and to the procedural obligation to
report. The Tax Code obligated the man--automatically designated "household
head"-- to report the joint income of his wife and himself in all instances,
and denied any option for separate calculation of income. As a result, it
both refused to relate to married women as taxpayers and created a situation
in which it was often not economically beneficial for women to seek employment
outside the home.
In 1992, the Tax Code was amended to widen the instances where separate
calculation would be allowed for husbands and wives, and to grant equal
recognition to married women as taxpayers. Instead of referring to "husbands"
and "wives," the Tax Code now differentiates between the "registered spouse"
and the "other spouse." The registered spouse may be designated according to
income level, the decision of the assessing officer, or the couple's personal
preference. Whereas previously only husbands were obligated to submit income
reports, today this obligation rests on the "registered spouse," with both
spouses criminally and civilly liable for the information contained therein.
Both spouses may appeal decisions of the tax authorities, and both may receive
credit points for dependents. And while the 1992 amendment continues to view
the married couple as a single tax unit, it has expanded the instances in
which separate calculations are permitted. Separate calculation is now
allowed not only for income earned by the "other spouse" in "personal toil,"
but also for income earned on property either obtained by the "other spouse"
at least one year prior to marriage or inherited by that spouse during
marriage.
8. Employment of Women - Data and Analysis
Participation in the workforce, distribution within the labor market, work
patterns, and salary levels, are all significant indicators of women's
situation in society. Generally, the Israeli experience has been ambiguous:
while the level of women's participation in the labor market has risen
dramatically over the years, reaching almost 50%, the occupational segregation
and the glass-ceiling phenomenon remains entrenched, indeed the salary gap
between men and women has even increased slightly in the past few years.
8.1. Women in the Labor Market
8.1.1. Women's Participation in the Workforce
Participation in the workforce includes all people of 15 years of age and over
who were either employed (i.e. worked for pay for at least one hour during the
week of the survey) or unemployed. Women's participation in the workforce
(i.e. the percentage of women aged 15 and over who belong to the civil
workforce, from among all women aged 15 and over) has been steadily rising
throughout the years, with a yearly increase of about 1%, whereas the men's
participation has remained the same. Women's participation in the workforce
reached 45.5% in 1995 (after reaching 44.7% in 1994 and 43.4% in 1993),
compared with men's participation, which reached 62.6% in 1995 (after reaching
62.8% in 1993 and in 1994). Women composed 43.2% of the total workforce in
1995 (compared to 42% in 1992 and 33% in 1975). The increase in women's
participation is evident in almost all age-groups, except for the youngest and
the eldest. Jewish women's level of participation is higher than the overall
women's participation, and passed the 50% in 1995 (50.5%). Nevertheless,
increase in women's participation is taking place among Arab women as well,
although the level of participation within that group was low to begin with
(16.8% in 1994, compared to 16% in 1993 and 13.9% in 1992). The following
graph demonstrates the steady increase in the overall women's participation in
the work force:
Chart 1 -Population Aged 15 and Over in Workforce
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Labor Force Surveys, 1995
The following two charts demonstrate the characteristics of population groups
of men and women over 15, in terms of work or of other status. The striking
differences are in the work-patterns of men and women in full-time versus
part-time work, and in the category of homemaker which is exclusively female
by statutory definition. Note that by definition, a homemaker is not part of
the labor force, since a person who is a homemaker does not work for pay, yet
does not actively seek work for pay. Consequently, the work done by
homemakers is not taken into account when analyzing labor force data.
Chart 2 -Characteristics of Population Aged 15 and Over
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Labor Force Surveys, 1995
Table 1 - Population Aged 15-34, by Work and Studies
J e w s A r a b s and O t h e r s
Age Group 15-17 18-24 25-29 30-34 15-17 18-24 25-29 30-34
Grand Total
- thousands 229.3 532.1 307.8 302.6 69.8 150.5 86.1 81.7
- percents 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
Men
- thousands 118 271.2 155 152.9 35.7 76.4 43.4 40.4
- percents 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
Work 13 31.5 75.3 81.1 15.5 62.6 81.1 86.1
Study 9.7 6.1 11.9 5.3 1.8 1.6 1.2 1.5
Do Not Study 3.3 25.4 63.4 75.8 13.7 61 79.9 84.6
Do Not Work 87 68.5 24.7 18.9 84.5 37.4 18.9 13.9
Study 79.4 16.6 10.4 5.9 68.5 14.7 3.2 0.2
Do Not Study 7.6 51.9 14.2 13.1 16 22.7 15.7 13.7
Women
- thousands 111.4 260.8 152.8 149.7 34.1 74.1 42.7 41.2
- percents 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
Work 10.8 42.3 65.8 68.6 2.1 21.5 24 24
Study 8.8 10.9 9.5 5.1 0.2 1.4 0.6 0.8
Do Not Study 2 31.4 56.2 63.5 1.9 20.1 23.4 23.2
Do Not Work 89.2 57.7 34.2 31.4 97.9 78.5 76 76
Study 83.4 17.3 4.3 1.8 75.3 15.1 2.2 0.4
Do Not Study 5.7 40.4 29.9 29.6 22.5 63.4 73.7 75.6
*Work and Do Not Work: including not known
Source: CBS, SAI 1996
We see from the above table that women's participation in the labor-force
increases as their educational level increases. In 1995, among Jewish women
with 16 years of schooling and over, 77.5% belonged to the work-force, as
compared to 74.9% of the Jewish men with similar level of education. Among
those Jewish women with 0-4 years of schooling, only 10.1% participate in the
work force. The differences in the participation rates of women according to
their years of schooling are much larger than the differences in participation
of men by years of schooling. This has implications on the relative
educational level of men and women in the workforce, and explains the higher
educational rate of women, as discussed below.
Women's marital status, the number of children they have and their age, are
all variables that greatly effect women's participation in the work-force.
Consistent with the steady increase in women's overall participation in the
work-force, there is a constant increase in the level of participation among
married women, as shown by the following graph:
Chart 3 - Married Women in the Civilian Labor Force
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Labor Force Surveys, 1995
Women's participation in the work-force decreases as their number
of children increases, and rises with the maturation in age of their youngest
child. Thus, in 1994, 74% of Jewish women with one child were in the
work-force, compared with 43% of those with four children or more. 54% of
Jewish women whose youngest child was less than one year old were in the
work-force, compared with 71% of those whose youngest child was between 10-14
years old.
The Central Bureau of Statistics data also examine the variable of employing
domestic-help and its influence on women's level of participation in the
work-force. Not surprisingly, the data reveals that the level of
participation increases along with the increase of weekly hours of
domestic-help, from 63% among those who employ domestic-help for 7 hours a
week to 76% of those who employ over 16 hours of domestic-help per week. This
data supports the demand for the tax-deduction of payments for domestic-help.
8.2. Work Patterns
One of the major differences between working women and working men in Israel
is in the area of part-time work. Significantly many more women (almost three
times as many) work part-time, which is defined as any work between 1-34 hours
per week, regardless of how the work is officially defined. Thus, for
example, in 1994, 72% of those who regularly worked part-time were women. Of
all working women, 38.4% regularly worked part-time, while only 10.6% of all
working men regularly worked part-time. The most common reason given for
women's part-time work is child-care and housework (21%). For 18.2% of women
part-time workers, the work was considered full-time (as among
school-teachers). Of the men part-time workers, 24.8% were self-employed, and
18.4% studied in addition to their part-time work. For 17% the part-time work
was considered full-time.
Table 2 - Employed Part-Time
1995
Total Men Women
Grand Total (Thousands-Absolute No.s) 520.7 177.6 343.2
Usually Worked Full-Time (Thousands) 133 74 59
Percent 25.6 41.8 17.2
Usually Worker Part-Time (Thousands) 386.7 103 283.7
Percent 74.4 58.2 82.8
Reasons for Part-Time Work (Percents)
Total 100 100 100
The Work is Considered Full Time 18 16.4 18.5
Sought Additional or Full-Time Work and
Did Not Find 14 10 15.4
Illness and Disability 5.1 8.7 3.8
Retirement 5.7 13.1 3.2
Housewives 15.7 0.3 21.1
Studies 14.6 22 12.1
Not Interested in Full-Time Work 12.3 5.3 14.7
Other Reason 1.3 0.9 1.4
Self Employed, Kibbutz
Members, and Unpaid Family Members 13.3 23.4 9.7
Source: Labour Force Surveys, 1995
An important feature in the Israeli labor-market is the fact that part-time
workers accumulate social-benefits just like full-time workers, relative, of
course, to the amount of hours they actually work. Similarly, a part-time
worker gains tenure just like a full-time worker. In addition, the prospect of
promotion is not negated by part-time work, although it may be much slower
than in full-time work.
The following graph depicts the distribution of working patterns among the
total working population of men and women:
Chart 4 -Employed Persons, Aged 15 and Over
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Labor Force Surveys, 1995
The relatively high increase in the rate of women working full-time in the
last few years is clear, and it remains to be seen whether this is a constant
trend which will have implications for women's status in the labor-market.
According to data from the National Insurance Institute, there are further
major differences in earnings between men and women who a self-employed, as
demonstrated by the following table:
Table 3 - Self employed, by monthly income
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
8.3. Unemployment
Unemployed persons are defined as persons who did not work for pay for one
hour during the week of the survey, and who were actively seeking work. As
part of the general economic slowdown that occurred in Israel during the
1980's, the rate of unemployment among women rose sharply from about 6% in
1980 to 11% in 1990. The older and more educated women were those who
suffered the most. The unemployment rate among women peaked at 12.1% in 1993,
went down to 10% in 1994 and to 8% in 1995. The following graph demonstrates
the differences in unemployment rates of men and women in the workforce
throughout the last decade:
Chart 5 -Unemployment of Population Aged 15 and Over
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Labor Force Surveys 1995
The following graph depicts the gender makeup of the total population of the
unemployed, and clearly shows the gradual process leading to
over-representation of women among the unemployed, which is not proportional
to their representation in the workforce in general. Thus, while women made
up 43.2% of the total workforce in 1995, they made up 54.4% of the unemployed
that year:
Chart 6 -Unemployment, by Years
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Labor Force Surveys 1995
According to the Employment Service, which is the governmental agency in
charge of referring unemployed persons to available jobs, 55% of all those
seeking work in the last few years were women. This rate is particularly high
among unemployed women who lack job-qualifications; in some areas 70%-80% of
those who are unemployed are unqualified women. Furthermore, unemployment is
not evenly distributed throughout the country, and there are specific areas,
particularly in development localities in the south, where the unemployment
rate of women reached 15.4% in 1995 (the men's unemployment rate was high as
well, 11.1%, but not as high as women's.)
8.4. The Careers of Women: Levels and Salaries
8.4.1. Women's Occupational Distribution and Gender Segregation
Since the Central Bureau of Statistics switched to using the new
classifications of economic branches and occupations in 1995, based upon the
UN and the International Labor Organization recommendations, most of the data
presented here will relate to the recent 1995 survey alone. The following
section will analyze these data to show the gender segregation in the Israeli
labor market, both in economic branches and in occupational categories.
The following charts depict the distribution of men and women in 14 primary
branches of the economy.
Chart 7 -Employed Persons, by Economic Branch, 1995
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Source: Labor Force Surveys, 1995
The following table presents the average amount of weekly work hours of men
and women in each economic branch; considerable differences in earning gaps
are evident.
Table 4 - Average Weekly Work Hours, and Percent in each Branch
Source: Labour Force Surveys, 1995
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
The following graph depicts the relative percentage of men and women in each
branch of the economy. Several branches are predominantly male: agriculture,
manufacturing, electricity and water supply, construction (building and civil
engineering projects), transport, storage and communication. The
predominantly female branches include: education, health, welfare and social
services, and private households with domestic personnel.
Chart 8 -Percent of Men and Women in Each Branch
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Work-segregation is further evident when examining data regarding women's and
men's occupation. In 1995, close to 30% (28.3%) of the employed women were
clerical workers (a figure that has remained unchanged since 1980) compared to
8% of men, and more than 20% (20.4%) of employed women were agents, sales
workers and service workers (compared to 14.4% of men). More encouraging
figures concern women academic professionals (12.5%) and associate
professionals and technicians (19.5%), rates that are higher than the rates of
the employed men in these occupational categories (11% and 9.4% respectively).
However, it should be noted that most women in these occupational categories
are teachers, nurses, social workers and the like, mostly in the public
services. 38% of the employed men are concentrated in industry, construction
and other skilled work, (compared to only 7% of the employed women).
Chart 9 -Employed Persons, by Last Occupation Source: Labor Force Surveys,
1995
Source: Labor Force Surveys, 1995
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
8.5. The Glass Ceiling
Comprehensive data which documents the existence of a glass-ceiling at all
levels of the labor market is difficult to gather, since it necessitates a
complete breakdown and analysis of the job-structures within all economic
branches, both in the public and private sector.
One piece of data that is examined by the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS)
and is relevant to a discussion of workplace hierarchies, concerns men and
women workers in managerial positions. As management is not just an
occupation, but represents authority and command (Izraeli, 1994), this data is
indicative of women's overall position in the workforce. According to the CBS
data from 1995, 6.9% of all working men were managers, while only 2.2% of all
working women were managers. Of the total managers, 19.5% were women (18,700
out of 96,000). This represents a certain increase when compared to 1990
data, when the rate of women in management positions was 18% of all managers
(12,000 out of 66,000). The CBS data further indicates that women made more
than 25% of the increase in total managers during the decade between
1980-1990. Notwithstanding the gradual increase of women's representation in
managerial roles, their rate is still very low when examined in light of the
increase in the general rate of women in the workforce.
For example, the Union of Industrialists recently conducted a survey of 152
hi-tech corporations to examine the situation relating to women in managerial
positions. The survey revealed that 14% of the total managers in these
companies are women (totaling 900 women), while in 51% of these corporations
there were no women managers at all. On the other hand, among the larger
corporations (those with 100 employees and more,) 44% have more than one woman
in managerial positions. The average age of the women managers is 39, and 77%
of them are married.
The structure of women's positions in the Civil Service has been dealt with
extensively under Article 7. Since information on this issue is available,
and since the Civil Service is a public institution which is subject to
on-going scrutiny and inspection, both formal and informal, it is illuminating
to examine gender stratification in the Civil Service as an example of gender
stratification in the labor-market. However, it should be noted that less
than 4% (3.8%) of all working women directly belong to the civil service
(32,131 out of 835,700 in 1995). The significant fact regarding gender
stratification in the Civil Service is that while women made up close to 60%
of all workers in the Civil Service in 1995, only 10.5% of the senior staff
were women.
8.6. Salary and Earning Gaps
In all branches of the labor market, a male employee's average monthly income
was 1.7 times higher than that of a female employee (1992-1993). In other
words, women's average monthly income was less than 58% than that of men.
This is partly explained by the differences in the average weekly work hours,
which were 46.3 for men and 34.1 for women. However, the data shows that a
large gap exists in the average income per hour as well, which was 1.25 times
higher for men. In other words, women's hourly income is 80% of that of the
men.
This gap remains constant when other variables are taken into consideration.
For example, men with 5-8 years of schooling earned 38% more per hour than
women with a similar educational level. Among those with 13 years of
schooling and over, men's average income per hour was 30% more than women's.
The gap in income per hour increases with age, from 12% among 25-24 years
olds, up to 37% among the 45-54 year olds. Even within those occupations
which are dominated by women, such as clerical work, the men's hourly income
is 34% more than the women's (1992).
The following four tables present a more complete picture which illustrates
the break-down of earnings by age, educational level, economic branch and
occupation. The tables show that when the relevant variables of women and men
employees are the same, the monthly and hourly salary gaps remain constant:
Table 5 - Gross Income, by Age
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Table 6 - Gross Income, by Years of Schooling
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Table 7 - Gross Income, by Economic Branch
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Table 8 - Gross Income by Occupation, 1993
It was not possible at this time to reproduce the chart or table which appears
here in the text, but you may obtain it by contacting the Division for the
Advancement of Women directly.
Data published by the National Insurance Institute (NII) revealed that the
monthly average salary of women was 55% of the monthly average salary of men
during the years of 1992-94. The yearly average income of women was even
lower, comprising 51% of men's salaries in 1992, 54% in 1993, and 52% in 1994.
Examination of the estimations based upon the NII 1995 income survey regarding
the overall rate of employees who earn less than the minimum wage (described
below) reveals that 26% of all women employees do not reach the minimum wage,
while only 11.7% of all men employees earn less than the minimum wage. In
other words, 69% of all employees who earn less than the minimum wage are
women.
Dr. Linda Efroni's specific investigation of the civil-service revealed a
salary gap of 29% between men and women's average monthly salary for full-time
work in 1988, slightly diminishing to 28% in 1990 (Efroni 1990). Recent data
supplied by the Treasury Department indicates that the overall salary gaps
between men and women have decreased somewhat, so that in 1996 the gap stood
at 24%.
There is some evidence that women are unaware of these salary gaps. For
example, a recent survey of employed women revealed that half of the women
believed that their earning level was similar to their men co-workers' earning
level (Natanzon 1997). Only 24% of the women indicated that they were aware
of salary discrimination.
9. Vocational and Professional Training for Women
The primary governmental organization that provides vocational training is the
Division for Training and Development at the Ministry of Labor and Welfare.
Within this Division, a Unit for the Advancement of Women and Girls was
established in 1996, signaling awareness of the special needs of women who
seek vocational training. Among this Unit's goals is to increase professional
options for women in order to improve their integration into the workforce.
During 1996, the Unit created special workshops for women in the areas of
self-empowerment, orientation in job-search, entrepreneurship and more.
Specific workshops for Bedouin and Arab women, immigrant women, women in the
army and single-parent women were also offered. Special initiatives were taken
together with the IDF, local councils and municipalities and the Ministry of
Education, to encourage young women to continue their education in
technological fields after completing their military service.
Vocational training is also supplied by the Ministry of Labor and Welfare to
unemployed persons, during which the trainees receive unemployment benefits.
The conditions for eligibility are that the person has worked in the previous
two years for a certain period of time. These conditions limit the options of
women who have not been part of the workforce in the past, as they are
ineligible for receiving unemployment benefits during the period of
vocational-training. The 102 vocational courses can be roughly divided into
three categories: courses that are attended mainly by men which comprise 51%
of the total courses; 24% of the total courses that are attended mainly by
women and offer training in traditional women's professions; and mixed courses
that make up the remaining 25%. Those that are attended primarily by men
offer training in higher paying professions and they tend to be longer (6
months in average), thus enabling participants to receive unemployment
benefits longer. The "women's" courses are shorter (up to 3.5 months in
average) and qualify in professions with fewer and lower paying job
opportunities. In sum, although women comprised 44% of all trainees in these
courses in 1996, which is an impressive increase compared to previous years,
close to two-thirds of the training hours are allocated to men.
The time budget survey conducted by the Central Bureau of Statistics in
1991-92 reveals interesting differences between men and women's participation
in vocational courses and professional training.
The following two tables, taken from two different surveys of the CBS,
indicate the distribution of men and women trainees within the various types
of courses offered. Women are clearly concentrated in book-keeping,
dressmaking and nursing, while men are more often given training in "men's
jobs" such as electronics, engineering and metalwork.
Table 9 - Participation of Men and Women in Vocational Training by Subjects,
1995
1 9 9 5
Thereof: Training
Women Men Total Total
Total 45,096 59,108 104,204 117,950
Type of Course
Vocational Training 45,096 59,108 104,204 104,204
Supplementary Training 13,746
Vocation
Building 68 4,994 5,062 5,205
Woodwork 94 576 670 670
Metal Work 136 2,722 2,858 2,889
Mechanics 58 3,842 3,900 4,290
Electricity and Electronics 957 6,759 7,716 8,226
Practical Engineering 4,425 11,263 15,688 15,688
Programming 2,169 1,570 3,739 3,739
Bookkeeping 14,368 4,696 19,064 19,115
Clerical Work 1,892 523 2,415 2,430
Hotel Keeping 2,015 1,987 4,002 13,324
Nursemaids 3,388 346 3,734 3,892
Paramedical Occupations 1,070 176 1,246 1,246
Hairdressing, Beauticians 2,589 711 3,300 3,329
Dressmaking 2,998 547 3,545 3,545
Driving 174 8,902 9,076 10,095
Miscellaneous 8,695 9,494 18,189 20,267
Table 10 - Participation Rates of Men and Women in Vocational Training by
Fields, 1991-2
POPULATION - TOTAL Thousands 1,316.10 1,247.40 2,563.50
Percents 100 100 100
Thereof: Studied in vocational or
supplementary training courses during 5
years 31.5 33.5 32.5
Thereof: Studied in vocational courses
during a year 7.2 5.9 6.6
Thereof: Studied in supplementary training
courses during a year 14.7 15.3 15
Vocatinal Courses
Total Students during a year Thousands 95.2 73.5 168.7
Percents 100 100 100
Field of Training
Clerical, Accounting, Insurance 30.2 6 19.7
Programming and Computers 21.2 16.4 19.1
Management, Human Relations,
Communications 7.3 16.1 11.1
Teaching, Guidance 14.3 1.9 8.9
Other 27 59.6 41.2
Supplementary Training
Total Students during a year Thousands 193.4 191.2 384.5
Percents 100 100 100
Field of Training
Clerical, Accounting, Insurance 8.9 6.1 7.5
Programming and Computers 12 16.8 14.4
Management, Human Relations,
Communications 8.5 12.1 10.3
Teaching, Guidance 38.8 2.3 20.7
Other 31.8 62.8 47.2
Source: CBS Time Budget Survey, 1991-92
10. Childcare
The childcare system in Israel is composed of both public and private
programs. The public system for children up to three years of age consists of
day-care centers (which operate from 7:00 am-4:00 pm) that are run by various
women's organizations under the supervision and support of the Ministry of
Labor and Welfare and smaller "family-centers" for up to five children, which
are run by individuals in their own homes, under the license and supervision
of the Ministry of Labor and Welfare. The public system for children between
3-5 years of age is made up of pre-school programs (kindergartens) (which
operate from 7:30 am-1:20 pm, with possible extension programs to 4:20 pm) run
by the local municipalities under the supervision and support of the Ministry
of Education. In addition to the public system, there are many private
day-care institutions for children up to 5 years of age. As the public system
for the 3-5 years old expands, private kindergartens have increased their
services for younger children. The private kindergartens and day-care centers
are under no governmental supervision and do not receive governmental support.
There is, however, a union of private kindergartens and many of them are
members.
There are no accurate statistics on the attendance rates in each age group and
their distribution among the public and the private systems. The CBS
publishes overall attendance rates, based on its labor-force surveys. The
following table presents its estimations regarding the Jewish population
alone:
Table 11 - Children in Kindergartens, by children's age (Hebrew Education)
percents of respective population group
1976/77 1988/89 1993/94
Age 2 - Total 49 47.5 68.6
Thereof: in day nurseries 13.5 31.2 25.7
In Public Kindergartens 18.3 44.1 43.1
In Private Kindergartens 30.7 30.4 25.6
Age 3 - Total 85.6 96.1 95
Thereof: in day nurseries 11.8 18.9 19.4
In Public Kindergartens 43.6 74.6 79.1
In Private Kindergartens 42 21.5 15.9
Age 4 - Total 96 98.5 99
In Public Kindergartens 83.5 94.9 96.5
In Private Kindergartens 12.5 3.5 2.5
Source: CBS, SAI 1996
In 1996, the Ministry of Labor and Welfare operated 1532 day-care centers and
1643 family-centers all over the country. 12,000 of the 70,000 children
attending day-care centers were referred to the welfare system because of
dysfunctional families. These children have first priority in admission to
publicly funded daycare, followed by children whose mothers work in specific
areas that represent national needs (such as security forces, hospitals, and
the like); priority is then given to children of single-parent families;
children of distinctly large families; children whose mothers work over 40
hours a week; and children whose mothers work full-time in occupations that
demand fewer hours per week, such as teachers. In 1994, the Ministry added
children whose mothers are full-time students to those who get priorities in
admission. According to the head of the Division on Employment and Women's
Status, the quota for "welfare" children is too low, and more resources are
needed to allow disadvantaged children to be cared for by the day-care system.
The tuition fees in the public day-care system are calculated on a sliding
scale, according to the families' income and the number of family-members. In
March 1997, the cost of tuition for a baby (from 6 to 18 months) was NIS 1171
(about $350) per month, and for a child (from 1.5 - 3 years) it was NIS 891
(about $270) per month. Parents of "welfare" children paid only NIS 312 per
month for a baby, and NIS 237 per month for a child, the rest being subsidized
by the Ministry of Labor and Welfare. The Ministry's subsidy composes 20% of
the total cost of the system's operation, which in 1996 was to close to 1
million US dollars. The tuition paid by the parents accounts for 75% of the
total cost, and the remaining 5% is supplied by the various women's
organizations which operate the centers. Governmental support is also
expressed in allocating budgets for building the centers, and for purchasing
the equipment they need. These budgets come from the Ministry of Labor and
Welfare, the Ministry of Housing, and revenues from the Lottery Institute and
the Estates' Foundation.
About half of the day-care centers are currently run by three women's
organizations: Na'amat, WIZO, and Emunah. Other women's organizations have
joined these three in operating day-care centers. The remaining half of the
day care centers are run by two other organizations - the Local Councils
Organization, and the Kibbutz Movement. The Arab population suffers from a
serious shortage of day care centers, and most of the centers that do operate
in Arab sectors are only open until 2:00 pm.
11. Enforcement of Employment Legislation
11.1 The Department of Supervision of Labor Laws of the Ministry of Labor and
Welfare
This Department supervises the enforcement of a number of labor laws,
including the Women's Labor Law - 1954, discussed in the beginning of this
Article. The applications to the Department can be classified in two
categories: 1) Complaints from women who have been discharged from their
employment during pregnancy. 2) Employers' applications for termination
permits.
In 1995 there were 840 applications submitted to the department regarding the
termination of women's employment during pregnancy (as compared to 774
applications in 1994), of those 336 reached a compromise (as compared to 303
in 1994). Investigations which resulted in conclusive findings were conducted
in 504 of the applications (as compared to 471 in 1994), and termination of
employment permits were granted in 53% of the cases (as compared to 43% in
1994). In 1996 there was a clear rise in the number of applications which
peaked at 970. Of those, 400 reached a compromise and 570 investigations were
conducted, the final result of which will only be available in mid-1997.
11.2 The Department of Labor Law Enforcement
11.2.1. The Equal Employment Opportunities Law
The Department of Labor Law Enforcement employs 59 supervisors. Two
supervisors deal with the enforcement of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act.
The supervisors investigate complaints of sexual harassment and discrimination
on the basis of age, sex, religion or military profile. In addition, the act
requires all employers to advertise job offers in both male and female
grammatical forms. In order to enforce this section of the act, the Department
issues a warning to publishers. These complaints are generally initiated by
the Department itself after reviewing radio and newspaper advertisements.
The Equal Employment Opportunities Law-1988 does not impose administrative
penalties on employers who do not correct faulty or discriminatory
advertisements, rather such employers are to be prosecuted in the labor law
courts. The Department of Labor Law Enforcement has not brought any criminal
charges to date. The Department conducts investigations and requires
corrections of the practice, when the investigation results in findings of
discrimination.
The majority of the cases dealt with by the department pertain to want ads
(162 of the total 188 in 1996). In 1996, only 23 of the cases involved
discrimination (including discrimination on the basis of age and race), 19 of
which resulted in no findings. Only two cases were sexual harassment cases,
one of which resulted in no findings. All 162 of the cases which pertained to
discriminatory advertisements resulted in conclusive findings. All employers
who were investigated regarding their advertisements have corrected them
following the Department's requests through phone or written correspondence,
with no need for prosecution.
In comparison, over the course of 1996, the Israel Women's Network's
"Struggle Against Discrimination" hot line received 302 complaints, of those
42% were based on discrimination at work, and sexual harassment - in other
words, 157 complaints of discrimination prohibited by the Equal Employment
Opportunities Law -1988 .
According to section 19 of the Equal Employment Opportunities Law-1988, a
public council must be established to consult the Minister of Labor and
Welfare on issues concerning the application of this law and the increase of
public awareness of equal opportunity rights. In addition, this council
establishes conditions and facilities to enable women to enter the work force.
A council of this kind was appointed and functioned until 1993, at which point
it disbanded. A new council has not been appointed since.
11.2.2. Minimum Wage Law
The Minimum Wage Law -1987 sets a minimum wage for the employment of workers
in proportion to their scope of employment. Hence, the Minimum Wage Law
entitles workers earning below the minimum wage level (which is currently set
at 45% of the average wage) to a wage supplement up to the minimum level, to
be paid by their employers.
The Minimum Wage Law is enforced through self-initiated employee complaints,
and through processes that are initiated by the Department of Labor Law
Enforcement. For the purpose of enforcement of this law, the Department
employs 11 supervisors who are divided into five teams which investigate
worker's wages (both youth and adult) around the country. These teams work in
conjunction with the Labor Union, the Worker's Council and the worker's hot
line.
An employer who is found in violation of the law is sent a warning which
insures payment of back salary. An employer who refuses to pay back salary is
prosecuted or fined 2500 NIS (approximately $760) per employee per month. This
figure is specified in the law and does not represent the difference between
wages according to the law and wages actually paid by the employer.
Most research of the Israeli market indicate that adherence to the Minimum
Wage Law is low, as is the level of enforcement.
12. Women's Employment among the Arab Population in Israel
12.1 Trends in Occupations in Arab Villages
When discussing Arab women, a distinction must be made between women living
in cities and women living in villages: Arab city women consistently enjoy a
more prominent status in most realms of life than do those women who reside in
villages. However, over 90% of Israeli Arab women live in villages.
Most Arab villages are located in Israel's periphery, far from Israel's
centers of economic activity. In the past, agriculture was an integral source
of income for Arab villages. The nature of the agricultural activity allowed
women to play a leading role, while maintaining their traditional role as
housewives. Down-sizing in the agricultural industry, which occurred as a
result of the expropriation of farm lands, shifted the main economic focus of
the villages to city work and left a vacuum in the job market for Arab women.
Although many village men moved into the modern work sector, their female
counterparts could not and did not leave their traditional roles. Thus, while
men left their villages to work in the Israeli cities, women remained at home
to run the households, look after the children, and work the fields, without
tangible compensation.
The first wave of Arab women seeking work outside of their villages began in
the 1960s; most of these women found work in nearby Jewish villages and
cooperatives. The work did not require any formal education or literacy. In
the 1970s, Arab women began to take on blue collar positions in factories set
up near their villages. Many Arab village women worked in the textile
industry, and have remained employed there. In 1987, 17% of the employees in
the textile industry were Arab women, and by 1989, the percentage of Arab
women who worked in the textile industry reached 29%. Many sewing shops were
also established inside the villages, the owners of which were
sub-contractors for the large, centrally located Israeli textile factories in
Israel. The investors increased their profits by employing Arab village women
with little education for low wages. The difficult conditions of employment
for these women, which often include long workdays, are particularly straining
for married Arab village women, who are expected to play dual roles, both as
housewives and wage-earners.
During the 1990s, more Arab women have entered the Israeli job market,
particularly the unskilled labor market, in order to help their families carry
increasing financial burdens. Like their male counterparts, the majority of
Arab village women still hold menial jobs and are compensated accordingly.
In many instances, their compensation does not meet the minimum wage standards
nor are they properly compensated for working overtime. However, it should be
noted that in recent years more Arab women have been filling positions which
require a high-school education. A significant percentage of these women teach
in Arab schools, mostly elementary schools.
12.2 Workforce Size and Unemployment Rate
Of the 350,000 Arab women who are of working age (over 15), about 83%
(253,500) do not belong to the work force. The rate of unemployment among
Arab women who belong to the workforce as determined by the numbers that are
registered at the Employment Bureau, exceeds the unemployment rate in Israel
(11.7% are unemployed, as opposed to 9.9% of their Jewish counterparts), and
is especially high amongst Arab village women. However, many Arab women of
working age, and specifically Arab village women, do not register themselves
at the Employment Bureau, and consequently they do not enjoy unemployment
benefits. Usually there are two reasons for why these women fail to
register:1. The women's parents or husbands do not allow them to leave their
village for this purpose.2. The high rate of unemployment creates pessimism
in terms of their chances of finding work, even through the Employment Bureau.
3. In many cases ,the expense of the trip to the Bureau is a deterrent, since
it is usually far from the village.
Currently, many jobs traditionally occupied by Arab women may be eliminated
due to economic difficulties in the textile industry and decreased need for
hand-sewn materials. There exists a very real possibility that about 11,000
women, which account for over 20% of the Arab women's workforce, will lose
their jobs without finding alternative employment opportunities in the
industry. The employment Bureau has been involved in an effort to rehabilitate
some of these factories and sewing shops, in order to protect the livelihood
of the Arab women employees.
Researchers conclude that the percentage of Arab village women who actually
participate in the work force is much lower than their potential participation
in the Arab work force. Despite the growth of this proportion since the 1960s,
when a mere 9% of Arab women participated in the work force, both the
proportion and its rate of growth remain significantly lower than that of
Jewish women.
12.4 Causes for Unemployment
The reluctance of the traditional Arab communities to allow women to work
outside their homes stems from religious, social, and economic concerns.
Several elements of the local social and economic infra-structure within
villages have had an adverse effect on the scope of employment opportunities
amongst the Arab village women:
1. The Arab villages are usually satellites of nearby Jewish cities and
villages, from which the Arab villages receive their goods and services.
Consequently , the Arab villages have not developed their own commercial
centers or institutions which provide jobs, particularly for the female Arab
work force. Branches of industry in which a relatively high proportion of Arab
women are employed, such as the manufacturing industry, were also not
developed in the Arab villages. Instead, most of the industrial ventures in
the Arab villages were products of small, private ventures which could not
absorb large numbers of workers, especially not women. The villages did not
receive any work from outside sources other than sewing shops. In contrast to
the opportunities offered by outside employers to women in nearby Jewish
villages, no employers in advanced industries have been offering work
opportunities for the women within villages.
2. Lack of fluency in Hebrew among Arab village women limits the scope of
employment opportunities in Israel and decreases their chances of obtaining
jobs, particularly in the Jewish cities and villages. Since the same
opportunities to learn Hebrew exist for Arab women in both cities and
villages, the difference in their levels of proficiency in Hebrew has been
attributed to the effect of learning Hebrew in informal settings, namely
through direct contact with the Hebrew-speaking Jewish population. Studies
indicate that 61% of Arab women speak Hebrew and only 22% of employed Arab
women do not speak Hebrew.
Table 12 - Knowledge of Hebrew and Its Effect on Work Participation
Of Those
Degree of Who Of Those
Participation Participate Who Don't
100% 100%
Knowledge of Hebrew 60.9 82.1 46.9
Fluent 17.4 3.8 6.5
Speaking Only 16.9 10.4 19.7
Reading and Writing 4.8 3.4 26.9
None
Source: Natanzon 1996
3. That Arab village women do not take full advantage of the work
opportunities available to them can be understood as a result of the
traditional Arab lifestyle in which women are largely confined to the home.
12.4 Differences in Employment Patterns Amongst Single & Married Arab Women
The ability to work outside the home can serve as a litmus test for examining
the various different in statuses among women in Arab society at different
stages of their lives. In the lower socio-economic sectors of Arab society,
and especially in large families, single women are considered to be an
integral source of income to the family, though often, these single women
express dissatisfaction with the fact that their salaries must often be
donated entirely to their families. In upper-class sectors of Arab society,
the degree of independence which a single Arab woman enjoys is directly
related to her parents' status and their attitude towards their daughters as
autonomous beings. Thus, the percentage of both single upper-class and
lower-class women working is relatively high: upper-class women work because
of positive attitudes towards their abilities and role as workers, while the
lower-class women work for strictly financial reasons. However, both groups of
single Arab women enjoy a greater degree of freedom than married Arab women.
Arab society confers a special social and economic status to married women.
For example, women may pursue their education until their wedding, at which
point they may only obtain jobs which do not conflict with their ability to
raise children. The labor force participation of Arab and Druze women has
been found to peak at ages 18-24, and decline with marriage or the birth of a
first child. Thus, after marriage, most Arab women lose much of the
independence they enjoyed as single women.
Despite the social advancement of Arab women and the increasing openness to
women's issues in Arab society, social norms still confine the married women
to the role of caretakers of their husbands and children. According to the
traditional gender-roles in the Arab family, a married woman is not obliged to
take a part in providing the family income as long as there is no economic
need for her to work, and as long as the expected compensation for her work
outside the home is not significantly higher than the expenses which arise
from leaving the house. Currently, most Arab women elect to stay at home and
care for their children.
Many Arab women who work elect to take part-time positions. Thus, the
percentage of employed Arab women who hold part-time positions is twice as
large as the percentage of men employed part time (a corresponding percentage
is found in Israeli society at large, as seen above). Moreover, twice as many
Arab village women work in part-time jobs as do Arab city women.
Table 13 - Work Patterns of City and Village Arab Women
Full Time Part Time Hourly
Type of Locality
Cities 73 16.2 10.8
Villages 49.3 38 12.7
Souce: Natanzon 1996
This is due to the fact that many of the village women hold temporary seasonal
jobs in agriculture and light industry in the nearby Jewish villages, while
Arab women in the cities tend to hold jobs that require more advanced skills,
such as jobs in the government, municipalities, education, the health
industry, and the business sector (as office support).
The average age of Arab working women was found to be lower than that of
women who did not work, and the maximum age of working women in Bedouin
villages was found to be 37. These findings may be due to the fact that women
in the 35-44 age groups were found to have a higher average number of
children than those in the 25-34 age groups, and as the size of their families
increases, it becomes increasingly difficult for women to find childcare
arrangements for their children. Thus, the lack of proper childcare is
another reason that relatively few Arab women with children work outside the
homes.